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1 9 O 8. 

Nos. 1—1 1 1. 




• • .•• • 

• • r • •• 
•• '•• • • 

k •• • •••• 

• •• • • • • • 

• % •• •••• 





Africa, Central. Alphabet Boards, {lllv^t rated.) H. W. Gabbutt 102 

Africa, East. Kikuyu Rika. Hon. K. R. DUNDAS 101 

AfHca, East. Notes on the Orijpii and Historj' of the Kikuyu and Dorobo Tribes. Hon. K, 


AfHca: Rhodesia. Fire-making Apparatus of the Makorikori. {Ill Ui^t rated,) F. Kyles ... 66 
Africa, South. Additional Note on Copper Rotl Currency in the Tmnsvaal. A. C. H ADDON. 

Sc.I)., F.R.S \ 108 

AfHca, South. Copper Rod Cnn*ency from the Tmnsvajil. {Ill lut rated.) A. C. Haddon. 

SC.D., F.R.S 66 

Aft*ica, South. Note on Marali Currency. H. D. Hemswokth 66 

Aft*ica : Sudan. The Ancient Gold Mines at Gebet in the Eastern Sfldan. {IlUust rated.) 

R. Campbkll Thompson, M.A., F.R.G.s 36 

Africa: Uganda. Nantaba, the Female Fetich of the King of Uganda. Rev. J. RoscoE ... 74 
Africa, West. At the Back of the Black Man's Mind. A Reply to K. T. R. B. Dennett ... 47 
AfHca, West. Further Note on the Relation of the Bronze Heads to the Carved Tusks, Benin 

City. {lUuxtrated.) C. TUNCH 44 

Africa, West, statues of Three Kings of Dahomey. {Illustrated.) J. G. Frazek 73 

Africa, West: Benin. Note on the Relation of the Bronze Hea« Is to the Carved Tusks, 

Benin City. {Illustrated.) T. A. Joyce, M.A 2 

Aft*ica. See also EGYPT. 

America, North. Primitive Salt-Mining in the Mississippi Valley. {With Plate E. and 

Illnstrat'wm,) David J. Bushnell, Junr. 35 

America, North- West. On the Language of the Ten'a. (II.) Rev. J. Jette, S.J. ... 37 

AnthropolOgry, Academic. The Regulations for obtaining a Diploma in Anthropologv in 

the University of Cambridge. A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S ' ... 20 

ArchSDOlOgry* Palaeolithic Microliths. {Illngtraied.) Rev. H. G. O. Kendall, M.A. ... 63 


New Guinea. 
Asia. See Burma ; Borneo ; Ceylon ; India ; Japan ; Malay Peninsula. 

Australia. Australian Canoes and Rafts. {With Plate L.) W. E. RoTH 88 

Australia. The Australian Marriage I^aws. J. 0. Frazer 8 

Australia. Matrilineal Descent, Northern Territory. R. H. Mathews 83 

Australia. Questions Australiennes (II). A. Van Gennep 18 

Australia. Soeial Organisation of the Ngeumba Tribe, New South VV'ales. R. II. Mathews ... 10 
Australia: LinfiruistiCS. On the ('lassifiwition t)f Australian Languages. Father W. 

Schmidt, S.V.D IO4 

Biogrraphy. See Obituary. 

Borneo. Some Sea-Dayak Tabus. Mrs. Hewitt 105 

Burma. Rain-making in Burma. {With Plate K, and IlUtsdratiom,) R. GRANT Brown ... 80 
CraniOlOgry. Report on a Human (-ranium from a Stone Cist in the Isle of Man. {Ill u«t rated.) 

W. L. H. Duckworth, M.D., Sc.D. 3 

Ceylon. Quartz Implements from Ceylon. {With Plate II, and Illuxtrationn,) C. G. 

Seligmann, M.D 53 

Egypt. The Peoples of the Persian Empire. ( Wdh Plate I-J.) W. M. F. Pktrie, F.R.S.. 

F.8.A 71 

Egypt : String Figures, string Tricks from Egj^pt. W. A. CUNNINOTON, B.A., Ph.D. ... 82 
England : ArchSDOlOgy. "KoUths." {With Plate D. and Illustrations.) WoRTUlNGTON 

G. Smith, F.L.S 26 

England: ArchSBOlOgy. New Palaeolithic Site in the Waveney Valley. {Illustrated.) 

W. A. DUTT 19,93 

England : Archaeology. Not<;s on Excavations at Oliver's Camp, near Devizes, Wilts. 

{Illustrated.) Mrs. M. E. Cunnington 4 

England: Archaeology. Polished St<me implements from Harlyn Bay. {Illustrated,) 


England: Archaeology. The Polislicd stone Axe found by Camm Greenwell in a Flint 

Pit at Grime's (f raves. W. ALLEN Sturge 92 

England. See aho Cranioloqy. 
Europe. See England ; Sweden. 



Pyi. Totemism in Fiji. Father W. Schmidt, 8. V.D 84 

Fiji. Totemism in Fiji. W. H. R. Rivers, M.D., F.R.S 76 

Folklore. The Animal-Headed Figure on the Franks Casket. (With Plate JV.) O. M. 

DaltoN, M.A., F.S.A 98 

Folklore. The Killing of the Divine King. C. Pabteidoe, M.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S 29 

Folklore. The Killing of the Divine King. Professor E. Wkstebmarck, Ph.D 9 

Folklore. See also Malay Peninsula ; Sweden. 

India. On Caste in India. H.A.Rose 62 

Japan, a Japanese Book of Divination. (^Illustrated,) W. G. ASTON, C.M.G. 64 

Lingruistics. See Australia ; Sweden. 

Malay Peninsula. Malay Beliefs concerning Prehistoric Stone Implements. J. B. 


Marshall Islands : Navifiration. Note on a Native Chart from the Marshall Islands in 

the British Museum, (illustrated.') T. A. Joyce, M.A. ... 81 

Mexico: ArchSdOlOgy. Archaeology in Mexico. (Illustrated.) Miss A. Breton 17 

Music. The'Origin of the Guitar and Fiddle. (With Plate B. ami Illustrations,) Professor 

W. Ridoeway, F.B.A. 7 

New Guinea: Stone Pestles. Note on stone Pestlc« from British New Guinea. (With 

Plate A. a fid Illustration.) C'apt. F. R. BARTON, C.M.G 1 

New Guinea : Totemism. Note on Totemism in New Guinea, with Reference to MAN, 1908, 

75 and 84. C. G. Seligmann, M.D 89 

Obituary. Sir John Evans. (With Plate O.) Right Hon. Ix)rd AVBBURY 61 

Obituary. Alfred William Howitt, C.M.G., ScD. A. LANG 46 

Obituary. See aUo 84, 97, 111. 

Pacific. See Fiji: New Guinea; Marshall Islands; Solomon Islands. 

Physical Anthropology: Pigrmentation. On the Correlation of the Black and the 

Orange -coloured Pigments, and its bearing upon the Interpretation of Bed-hairedness. 

Prof. EUG. Dubois 46 

Physical Anthropology : Pigmentation, a New instrument for Determining the Colour 

of the Hair, Eyes and Skin. (Jllmtrated.) J. Gray, B.Sc 27 

Religion. See Africa ; Burma ; Japan. 

Scotland: Marriage. Pirauru in Scotland. A. Lang 72 

Sociology. See Africa ; Australia ; Borneo ; Burma ; Fiji : India ; Scotland ; 

Solomon Islands. Decorated Maces from the Solomon Islands. (With Plate C. and 

Illustration.) Baron A, voN HCgel 16 

Solomon Islands. Decoratal Maces from the Solomon Islands. Prof. R. W. Keid, M.D. ... 28 
Solomon Islands. Notes on the Manufacture of the Malaita Shell Bead Money of the 

Solomon Group. (With Plate F. and Illustration.) C. M. WOODFORD 43 

Solomon Islands. Notes on Stone-Headed Clubs from Malaita, Solomon Islantls. 

C. M. Woodford 91 

Solomon Islands. Stone-Hca<le<l Clubs from Malaita, Solomon Islands. (Illustrated.) 

J Edge- Partington 90 

Sweden. Note on Mr. Klint bergs Studies upon the Folklore and Dialects of Gothland. 

W. L. H. Duckworth, M.D., Sc. I) 21 

Totemism. Linked Totems. A. Lang 99 

Totemism. Linkctl Totems : a Reply to Mr. Lang. C. G. SELIGMANN, M.D 100 

Totemism. See also Australia : Fiji ; New Guinea. 


Africa, East. Fiillel)orn. Das Deutsche Xjassa- und Ituwuma-Gebiet, Lrtful und Leut4*. nehst 

Iteiiierkinujen iiher die Schirv-IJinder. Miss A. Werxer 13 

Africa, South. Kldd. Kntir Socialism. Miss A. WERNER 79 

Afk*ica, South. Theale. Ilistonj andlkhtwgraphy of Africa^ South of the Zanibesi. Miss A. 

Werner 82 

Afk*ica: Swaheli. Velten. Proxa und Poesie der Suaheli. A. W. 108 

Africa, West. Le Plateau Cmfral-Mf/erien. H. U. P 56 

AnthropolO&ry. Balfour and others. Anthropological Essays presented to Edward Burnett 

Tylor. VV. W. Skeat, M.A U 

America. Friedericl. SUalpicrrnundiihnlichcKrieysgehraucheinAmerika. Jameu MOONEY 14 
America, North- West. Smith. Archeeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Pvget Sound, 

David 1. Busunell, Jmir 69 


America. See also Canada. 

ArchSDOlogry* See Britain ; Crete ;£ ; Greece. 

Asia: CraniolO^^ Turner. A Cunt nbut ion to the Crajiiology of tlie Natives of Borneo, tlie 

Malays, th£ Natire* of Formosa, and the Tibetans. A. K. 28 

Asia. See also Celebes ; India ; Java ; Malay Peninsula. 

Australasia. Gregory. Australia and New Zealand, E. A. Parkyn, M.A 67 

Britain. Rice-Holmes. Ancient Britain and th4i Invasions of Julius Ctesar. W. W 109 

Canada. Bradley. Canada in tiie Twentieth Century. T.H.J 38 

Canada. Fraser. Canada as it is. J. E.-P 60 

Colebes. Sarasiu. Versuch einer AnthrojMtlogie der Insel (klebes. A. C. Haddon, So.D., 

F.R.S 67 

Craniology. See Asia; Malay Peninsula. 

Crete. Burrows. The Discoveries in Crete and their bearing on t/ic History of Ancient CiviU^ 

sation. H. R. Hall 4>8 

Dress. Webb. Tfic Heritage of Dress, H. S. H 58 

Economic History. Hahu. Die Entstekung dcrwirt*chaftlichen Arbeit. N. W. T 95 

Ethnology. Keane. The World's Peoples. E. A. Parkyn, M.A. 107 

Europe. See Britain ; Crete ; France ; Greece. 

France : ArchSBOlOgry. Villeneuve : Verneau : Boule. Les Grottes de Griinaldi. W. W. ... 80 

Folklore. Gomme. Folhlore as an Historical Science, E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 68 

Folklore. See also INDIA. 

Greece. Murray. The Uise of tlie Greek Epic. A. Lang 5 

India. Hoemle. Studies in tlve Medicine of Ancient India. M. Longworth DAMES 86 

India. Gonlon. Indian Folktales. M. LONGWORTH Dames 61 

India. Gunlon. T/ie Kfiasis, M. Long WORTH Dames 12 

India. Rose. Compendium of the Punjab Customary Law. W. CROOK E .• ... 59 

India: Assam. Hodson. Tlie Meithels. Lieut.-Col. J. Shakespear, CLE 106 

India: Assam. Lyall. The Mikirs. T.C. Hodson 94 

Java. Jacobson : Vaii Hasselt. De Gong-Fabricatie te Semarang, R. SUELFORD, M.A. ... 81 

Linguistics. See Micronesia ; Pacific. 

Malay Peninsula : Craniology. Scblaginhaufen. Ein Beitrag zur Cranivlogie der Semang. 

W. L. H. Duckworth, M.D., Sc.D 24 

Melanesia. Hardy : Elkington. Tfie Savage South Seas. B. T 41 

Melanesia. Parkinson. Dreistig Jahre in der Sildsee. A. H. Q 49 

Micronesia : Linguistics. Thalheimer. Beitrag zur Kenntnis d^r Pronomina jtersofuiHa und 

possession der Sprachen Mikronesiens. Sidney H. Ray 85 

New Guinea. Van der Sande. Nova Guinea. A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S 77 

Pacific. Kramer. Hawaii, Ostmikroneslen und Samoa. A. H. Q. 89 

Pacific: Linguistics. Macdonald. The Oce4tnir Lang Ufigejt. SIDNEY H. Ray 40 

Pacific. See also MELANESIA : MICRONESIA : New Guinea. 

Religion. Frazer. Adonis Attis Osirix. R. R. Marktt 22 

Sociology. Webster. Primitive Secret Societies. T. C. Hodson 78 


British Association 87, 96 

Royal Anthropological Institute : Huxley Lecture 110 


See Nos. 6, 15, 25, 34, 42, 50, 62, 68, 111. 


No. 48, page 02, line 15, for Cowley reatl Qmumy. Mr. Cowley's name has been inadvertently 
substituted for that of Mr. Conway (in discussing Eteocretan inscriptions). 



A. Stone Pestle from British New Guinea With No. 1 

B. The Origin of the Guitar and Fiddle ,. 7 

c. Two Decwated Maces from the Solomon Islands „ 16 

D. "Eoliths" „ 26 

E. Primitive Saltmaking in the Mississippi Valley ,, S5 

F. The Manufacture of Malaita Bead Money ,, 43 

O. Sir John Evans „ 61 

H. Quartz Implements from Ceylon ., 68 

l-j. The Peoples of the Persian Empire „ 71 

K. liain-making in Burma .. 80 

L. Australian Canoes and liaftB ,, 88 

M. The Animal-Headed Figure on the Franks Casket ., 98 


N.B, — All are PhotograptUf except where otherwise stated. 

Fig. 1. Stone Pestles from British New Guinea. (^Drawing,) 

Lower Half of PI. IX, '* Antiquities from the City of Benin," by C H. Read and 

O.X. Dalton ... 

Ancient Manx Skull from a Cist Gmve. (Figs. 1 and 2.) 

Dolmen at Blankensee, near LUlKJck. (Figs. 3 and 4.) 

Skull from Dolmen at Blankensee. (Figs. 5 and (>.) 

Plan of Site, &c. (Fig. 1.) (^Drawing.) 

Plan of Camp. (Fig. 2.) (^Drawing,) 

Plan of Excavation at Gate. (Fig. 3.) (^Drawing,) 

Lyres <m (Jems in British Museum. (Fig. 7.) 

Figs. 8-11. From a Vase 

Primitive Bahima Instrument from a Tortoise Prototype. (Fig. 12.) 

Figs. 1 and 2, Heads of Decorated Maces from Solomon Islands 

House of the Priests and S.W. Corner of the Pyramid of the Sun, Teotiauacan. (F'ig. 1.) 

Part of the Relief, A canceh. (Fig. 2.) 

Comer of Relief : Bird's Wing with Eye in centre and (/law below. (Fig. 3.) 

Implement from Palaeolithic Site in Waveney Valley. (^Drawing,) 

A Kentish '• Eolith,*' apparently made from the Basal Portion of a Palaeolithic Implement. 

(Fig. 7.) (^Drawing.') 

A Palaeolithic Bull)cd and Trimmeil Flake doing duty as an '• Eolith" in the Blackmore 

Museum, Salisbury. (Fig. 8.) (^Drawing.) 

Basal Portion of a Kentish Palajolithic Implement sent out as a "Pure Eolith" from a 

Pure " Eolithic " Stratum. (Fig. 9.) (Dr/iwifig.) 

Jacobean scratched example of " Eolithic " form in Bottle Ghiss, Ramridge End. Luton. 

(Fig. 10.) ^Drawing.) 

Fig. I. Blonde to Black Hairs : curve. (^Drawing.^ 

Fig. 2. Red Hairs : curve. {Drawing,^ 

Fig. 3. (Jrey Hair : diagram. (^Drawing.') 

Fig. 4. Blonde to Black, including Red : curve. (^Drawing.) 

Fig. 5. Correlation of Orange and Black : diagram. (Drawing.') 

Fig. 6. Pigmentation Meter. (Drawing.) 

Plan of the Kimmswick Site, 1902, showing Excavations. (Fig. 4.) (Drawing.) 
Group of Graves North-West of Main Excavation, Kimmswick Site. Excavatetl 1902. 

(Fig. 5.) (Drawing.) 

Pottery Bowl from Grave III. (Fig. (J.) 

Wooden Disc coveretl with Copper, and eight Bone Objects: found in Grave VIII. 

(Fig. 7.) ; „ 85 

With No. 



























































Panorama of Geb^t Mines. (Fig. 1.) With No. 86 

Water Pool at Ancient Mines. (Fig. 2.) „ 86 

Modern Gold Workings at Gebet. (Fig. 3.) „ 86 

Fig. 1. Slate Needle, Harlyn Bay „ 38 

Fig. 2. Stone Amulet, Harlyn Bay ,, 38 

Method of Sharpening Flint Drill use<l in making Shell Money of Malaita. (Fig. 1.) ... „ 43 

The Relation of the Bronze Heads to the Carved Tusks, Benin City „ 44 

Figs. 1-7. Palaeolithic Microliths. (Drawing*.') ,. 63 

Fi remaking Apparatus of Makorikori. (^Drawing.) „ 65 

Figs. 1 and \a. Quartz Implement from Ceylon „ 68 

Fig. 2. Cave „ 63 

Figs. 3-r>. Quartz Implements from Ceylon. {Drawing*.') ,, 63 

Fig. 1. Japanese Book of Divination. (Drawing.) „ 64 

Figs. 1 and 2. Copper Rod Currency from the Transvaal. {Drawing*.) „ 66 

Statues of Three Kings of Dahomey „ 73 

Throne of the Kings of Dahomey „ 73 

Water Festival at Dedayb : A Car in the Pageant. (Fig. 4.) „ 80 

Image of Shin UpSgok. (Fig. 5.) ,, 80 

Water Festival at Dedayb : A Car in the Pageant. (Fig. 6.) ,, 80 

Native Chart from the Marshall Islands, in the British Museum. (Fig. 1.) ,, 81 

Key Plan of British Museum Chart. (Fig. 2.) {Drawing.) „ 81 

Chart of the Marshall Islands (after Brigham). (Fig. 3.) {Drawing.) „ 81 

Figs. 1 and 2. Stone-headed Clubs from Malaita. (Fig. 2.) {Drawing.) „ 90 

Implement from Palaeolithic Site in the Waveney Valley „ 93 

Alphabet Boards. (Figs. 1-3.) " ,, 102 



N,B,—Tke Numhert to which an atterUk is added are those of Reviews of Book*, 

Aston, W. G., 64. 
AvEBURY, Lord, 51. 

Barton, F. R., 1. 
Breton, A., 17. 
Brown, R. G., 80. 
BuLLEN, R. A., 38. 
Bushnell, D. L, 35, 69*, 

Crooke, W., 59*. 


Dalton, O. M., 98. 

Dames, M. L., 12*, 61 •, 86». 

Dennett, R. E., 47. 

Dubois, E., 46. 

Duckworth, W. L. H., 3, 21, 24*. 

DuNDAS, K. R., 76, 101. 

DuTT, W. A., 19, 93. 

Edge-Partington, J., 60*, 90. 
Eyles, F., 55. 

Frazer, J. G., 8, 73. 

Garbutt, H. W., 102. 
Gennep, a. van, 18. 
Gray, J., 27. 

H., H. S., 58». 

Haddon, a. C, 20, 65, 67*, 77», 103. 

Hall, H. R., 48». 

Hartland, E. S., 68*. 

Hemsworth, H. D., 66. 

Hewitt, F. E., 105. 

HoDSON, T. C, 78», 94*. 

HCgel, a. von, 16. 

J., T. H., 33». 
Jettic, J., 37. 
Joyce, T. A., 2, 81. 

K., A., 23». 

Kendall, H. G. O., 53. 

Lang, A., 5*, 45, 72, 99. 

Marett, R. R., 22». 
Mathews, R. H., 10, 83. 
MOONEY, J., 14*. 

P., H. R., 56». 
Parkyn, E. a., 57», 107*. 
Partridge, C, 29. 
Petrie, W. M. F., 71. 
Punch, C, 44. 

Q., A. H., 39*, 49^. 

Ray, S. H., 40*, 85*. 
Reid, R. W., 28. 
Ridge WAY, W., 7. 
Rivers, W. H. R., 75. 
RoscoE, J., 74. 
Rose, H. A., 52. 
Roth, W. E., 88. 

Schmidt, W., 84, 104. 
Scrivenor, J. B., 54. 
Seligmann, C. G., 63, 89, 100. 
Shakespear, J., 106*. 
Shelford, R., 33*. 
Skeat, W. W., iir 
Smith, W. G., 26. 
Sturge, W. a., 92. 

T., B., 41 •. 
T., N. W., 95». 
Thompson, R. C, 36. 

W., W., 30», 109». 
Westermarck, E., 9. 
Werner, A., 13», 32», 79», 108* 
Woodford, C. M., 43, 91. 

Plate A. 

Man. 1908. 





N,B. — All communications printed in Man are signed or initialled by their 
authors^ and the Council of the Institute desires it to be understood that in giving 
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility for the opinions or statements expressed, 

N,B, — Man, 1908, consists of twelve monthly-published sheets^ of sixteen pages 
each, printed in single column; containing " Original Articles ^^ and substantial 
'^ Reviews '' of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards. 

N,B, — Articles published in Man should be quoted by the year and the 
reference-number of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which 
begins on p. 5 below should be quoted as Man, 1908, 3. 


New Quinea : Stone Pestles. With Plate A. 

Note on Stone Pestles frotn British New Quinea. 

F, R. Barton, C.M.G. 

In a paper on " Prehistoric Objects in British 
and Joyce, which appeared in the volume 
of Anthropological Essays dedicated to 
Professor Tylor, is a description of a 
pestle and mortar found in the Yodda 
valley, and, on p. 329, the following 
sentence occurs : — *' Several similar pes- 
^^ ties, one of them a quite remarkable 
" piece of carving in stone, have been 
" found in this neighbourhood." On 
Plate A., figured herewith, is shown the 
" remarkable piece of carving in stone " 
to which reference is made in the passage 
just quoted. It is cut from solid greyish- 
buff stone which is close grained but not 
very hard ; from the " business end " of 
the pestle, which resembles a compressed 
sphere, oval in vertical and horizontal 
section, with diameters of 95, 86, and 
65 mm., rises a column, circular in section 
and inclined slightly to one side, forming 
the handle, length 104 mm. and diameter 
31 mm. ; at the top of this is carved the 
body of a bird, with tail depending and 
wings stretched outwards and forwards ; 
the neck of the bird is long (135 mm.) 
and curved, and terminates in a rather Fia 1 

[ 1 ] 


By Captain 4 
New Guinea," by Seligmann 

Nob. 1-2.] MAN. [1908. 

snake-like head^ with eyes in relief ; the bill has been broken off immediately below 
the nostrils, which are represented by two small circular pits. The total length of the 
implement is 360 mm. 

Unfortunately I can give no details concerning it, save that it was found by a 
gold-miner, about 40 feet above the present bed of the Aikora (the northern branch 
of the Gira River) and under 10 feet of alluvial sand and clay. The grinding 
surface of the pestle is somewhat worn and polished, but, having regard to the peculiar 
elaboration of its shape and the softness of the stone from which it was cut, I am 
inclined to think that it was probably for ceremonial use. 

Two other pestles, both of dark volcanic rock, are shown in Fig. 1. These 
were found at Cape Nelson in the possession of present-day natives, who, however, 
regarded them as charms, and had covered them with the customary network. I 
need hardly remark that pestles and mortars have not been found in use among 
any tribe in New Guinea. Both these pestles are circular in horizontal section ; one 
decreases rapidly to a long tapering handle, total length 316 mm., the other lessens 
in diameter more gradually towards the handle, which is furnished at the end with 
a " stop-ridge," total length 255 mm. The three pestles are now in the British 


AfWca, West : Benin. Joyce. 

Note on the Relation of the Bronze Heads to the Carved Tusks, A 

Benin Olty. By T. A. Joyce, M.A. L 

The carved ivory tusks and the human heads in cast bronze, which form some of the 
chefs cTceuvre of Bini artisans, are too well known to ethnographers to need any intro- 
duction ; but the question of the inter-relation of the two has from the first proved a 
stumbling block to students on the Continent, and it is in the hope of settling the 
matter definitely once and for all that I venture to publish certain information which has 
recently come into my possession through the kindness of my friend Mr. R. E. Dennett^ 
well known as an authority on West African ethnology and folklore. 

I understand that the position is as follows : The authorities in Germany do not 
deny that the carved tusks were occasionally supported on bronze heads of some descrip- 
tion ; but they refuse to accept the conclusion formed by Messrs. Read and Dalton that 
these heads are to be identified with the pattern having a circular aperture in the centre 
of the crown, figured by them in Antiquities from Benin in the British Museum, PI. ix, 
Figs. 5 and 6. 

Professor von Luschan writes (^VerhL der BerL Anthr. Gesellsch,, 1898, 161) : 
^' Dass sie als Sockel fiir die geschnitzten Ziilme gedient haben . • • ist aber 
" doch technisch hochst unwahrscheinlich," and gives as his reason that the aperture 
in the crown is not sufficiently large to admit the end of a tusk. This objection, 
however, is not very serious ; the aperture is structural, and has no necessary 
connection with the tusk, and the latter stood on the head, and not in the hole. 
This, I believe, is the only argument which has been brought against the theory 
that this particular type of head formed a pedestal for a tusk, and it is not very 

As to the arguments in favour of the theory, Nyendael, in 1702, states clearly 
(Pinkertofi*s Voyages, xvi, 535) that bronze heads of some kind or other were used 
in this way. In the King^s court " behind a white carpet we were also shown 
" eleven men^s heads cast in copper, by much as good an artist as the former 

[ 2 ] 



[No. 2. 

** carver» antl upon eucb of these id an cluphaiii*^ tooth, these being some of the 
" King's go^i9/' 

As regurils the identificution of Nyeudael's " elevoti melius heads " witJi the type 
here tigurcd, there is first and foremost Ptnu'hV photo published by Ling Roth in 
Great Benin, p. 79. 

This ha;^ been refused &s evidence on the score that the tusks— «o say the objectors 
^-only appear to stand on the headtt, and iu reality pass behind tJicm. 

Secondly, there i.s a sketch by Captain Egerton, of wliich there is a copy in the 
Britii^h Mnf^enni, similar m it.H details to Punelfs photo. 

Thirdly, there are tlie general statomeni^ (d" the otRcers accompanying the punitive 
expedition, and in this connection I quote from a letter Uy rae from my friend, Mr. Ling 
Roth, " I have it on the autlioriry of Mn Cecil Punch, who vijiitt^ Benin t^everal 
^* liuiCi* before the advent of tlie piiuitivo expc<iition, that the tuj^ks were placed on 
*^ the bronze he^uls. My brother Felix, who was one of the first Etiropeans to enter 
** the city as it was being captured, also tolls rne the tusks were on the bronze heads. 


*' The photograph reproduced (Fig. 84) in my book ha?* not been touched up.^^ (The 
last sentence refers to a cliarge of retouching brought by our German contemporaries 
against this ilki!»ktration.) These statements confirm the evidence ostensibly furnished 
by Punches photograph and Egerton's sketch, and prove that the objections brought 
against them have no foundation. That the tusks were not alwftus h» supported is not 
denied, but has nothing to do with the present question 

A suggestion has been made to me by Dr. Foy, of Cologne, wirh whom I have 
corresponded at some length on this subject. There is, he informs me, iu the Museum 
at Hamburg, a bronze head which is furnished with a conical projection at the top of 
the head instejul of the usual circular aperture ; there is a cast of this head in Berlin. 
He suggests that all the bronze heads which supported tusks wore of this type, the 
projection being inserted as a core in the hollow at the base of the tttsk. The sketch 

[ 3 ] 

No. 2.] MAN. [1908. 

he sends me is quite unlike any bronze head known to nie, and if his theory were correct 
it would seem very strange that only one example of this type has come to Europe, 
while the other type has been imported in considerable numbers. A far more likely 
suggestion emanating from this side of the North Sea is that the circular aperture at 
the top of the head was intended for the insertion of a wooden upright which should 
serve as a core for the tusk. These hypothetical cores, being, it was supposed, rough 
wooden cones, would naturally be left behind by the collectors of the bronze heads, 
none of whom were professed ethnographers. This theory appeared reasonable, and 
at one time I supported it, but my last and most conclusive piece of information proves 
that it is untenable. 

In the hope of obtaining evidence which would satisfy critics on the Continent 
I wrote to Mr. R. E. Dennett, who had been stationed for some time at Benin, 
asking him if he could shed any light upon the following questions : — 

(1) Were bronze heads ever used as pedestals for tusks ? 

(2) If so, what was the type of head ; had it a conical projection on the top 

which served as a core for the tusk ; or was it the type with the circular 
aperture ? 

(3) If the latter, was a wooden core for the tusk ever inserted in the 

aperture ? 

Mr. Dennett replied as follows : " The only heads used to bear ivory are the 
" Humwela . . ." [the name for the type of head shown in the illustration]. 
*' The Humwela were used as pedestals for ivory tusks in the king's palace, where the 
^^ ivory took the place of the Ekhure^ or the sticks generally found resting on altars. 
*' The king alone had the right to use ivory mounted on Humwela in this way. 
*' Nothing was used with the head to support the ivory [i.e., no wooden core]. The 
^^ neck of the head was buried in the clay of which the altar was made, and the 
*' curved side of the ivory rested against the wall at the back of the altar. I have 
*' the evidence of my own eyes, the chief Aro (Ero) having shown me how it was 
" done. I have never seen any head used in this way by any of the chiefs as yet, 
" although they have both kinds in their houses. It is possible, however, that when 
" the king dies the king's son may attempt the use." A subsequent letter written 
from Lagos affords interesting corroborative evidence. Mr. Dennett writes : " I have 
" been fortunate enough to meet one Igodaro, a very intelligent Bini, and I allowed 
*' him to look through Antiquities from Benin, I told him to let me know when 
^^ he came across the Humwela^ which he pronounced UAumwelau, He pointed out 
" Figs. 5 and 6 on PI. ix, and said they were Uhumwelau.'*^ 

It appears to me that the cumulative evidence is absolutely conclusive, and I hope 
that foreign workers may be inclined to join their British colleagues in regarding the 
question as definitely settled. 

I wish to express my thanks to Messrs. Dennett and Ling Roth for their assistance 
in supplying me with additional evidence, and also to Mr. C. H. Read, Keeper of the 
Department of P^thuography at the British Museum, for permission to reproduce 
the accompanying illustration. 


[ 4 ] 



[No. 3. 

Oraniology. Duckworth 

Report on a Human Cranium fk^onn a Stone Cist in the Isle of 
Man. Bt/ H\ L. }L Duvhieorth, MM,, Sr,D, 
Through the iitteres^t of IJ, A, Audpii, Epq., 



, D,S«., the LTDiversity Miiseuni U»h 
rccoivcd a emuiani round in a L*ii*t in 
the Isle of Alnn. Tho poslrion of 
the mat wus east ami west, **iig- 
gesting ChrisliHii iiiternjoiit. 

The ealvariAl part of the skull 
(Figfl» 1 aud 2) is nearly complete, 
comprising the ffotriaU parietal, 
00451 pi la! , ar»d the left temporal 

As regards its actnal texture 
mul f^iihstimee, the <Taniu»i in fairly 
well preserved (in coniparison with 
i*kalls fouiKl ill the gravels near 
Camhriilge). Ir is a ^i>od deal flat- 
tened from iihove down wants, owin;;^ 
us exphiined by Dr. Andeu, to pre;*- 
sure exerted by the siiperitieunihent 
slab of the eist. ta eousequenee 
the oeeipital lione has Iveen partially 

The general appearauee of the 
era n htm siipjfjests that it is that of 
a VtHiTig adult, and probably a mate, 
tlion^h some doubt exi^^t» as to tlie 
sex. The opinion here ex presided i* 
hat*e<1 on eonaideration of the exten- 

s^ive air sinuses exposed aluive the inner part of the brow-ridj^e«. But rtd^et* for 

muscular attaebments are not prominent, and e<int*cquently the oet'ipital l»one possesses 

feminine characters. Nor does the absolute size, as shown by the eirenmferential 

measurement, aid in 

determining the sex. 
The chief feature^ 

of the skull are as 

follows ; In the propor- 
tion of breadth to len;i:th 

it ie brachyeephalie, and 

though not extremely 

short, it is more <leti- 

iiitely so than mofet pre- 

htsttnrie Hntish crania. 
In the second place, 

the persistence of a 

suture between the two 

halves of the frontal 

bone is noteworthy. In 

most crania the two 

parta have fustn), and 

tbti line of junction hm Fia. 2. -AjfciKHT mabtx skctll imiom a ciht grave. 

r 5 ] 


No. 3.] 



I'i, 3.— DOLMRN 


been obliterated long before maturity. The* exeoptiou!^ are most freqiiefit in crania, 
siicb a« tbose of tlie Avbite raooi*, in wbicb tbe frontal parts of the brain attain to 
the greatest relali%^6 »he, and the broad frontal re^'ion of the present pp^chiieu i« 
in accord wilii tliis 
general statenientt 
This skull re- 
minds me of one 
which I photo- 
graphed aod exa- 
mined at Liibeck. 
It li a d been 
obtained from a 
dolmen (Ffg^. 3 
and 4) at Bhui ken- 
see near that town. 
The Univer- 
sity M VI s e n m 
possesses a skuil 
from the Isle of 
Man, wbirli wai- 
f on nd near Castli - 
towu. It formt^ 
part of the fiiiiions 
Thurnam Collec- 
tion, and bears the 

following insuriptiou : — "No, 237. Ancient Manx femak\ t^tone-lined grave (Cronk-y- 
** Keeillaoe), Isle of Man, SeptemlK,T ISe.i.'" 

This is a much smaller specimen, at* will at onre be evident from the com pari sou 

of the eir^-nm- 
ft'rential measure- 
montH, v»!5., 483 
mm. aj» against 
527 mm. in the 
former caae. Tho 
two specimens 
fnrther differ in 
fonn, the female 
]>pin|r the more 
narrow. It thus 
3ippeart< that the 
nume range of 
V iirioty of eronial 
form wai* prciienl 
in the prehii^to- 
rif pericKj in the 
IhIc td' Man, as 
in other parts of 
Great Britikiiu I 
Fio, 4.— DuiiVib.^ Ai i>i.4NKitNSEE, N£\B Ll BBCK. koow of uo means 

of iwrtigning the**e specimen* to, for instance, a Scandinavian or a Celtic populatinn. 
But at least it can bo said of the spceimi'ii j^cnt by Dr. Andcii that it hicks the 
narrowness and the rohnstncss, if that cxprcsi-ion be [»crniilted, of many male 

[ ti ] 



pToB. 3^, 

Scandinavian crania^ so that there is r<ome reason for regarding it ns more probably of 
Celtic affinities. This opiuion is not moilified by the fact previously mentioned of a 
eertam resemblance between this skull, and that (Figs. 5 and 6) found in the dolmen 



at Blaukensee in Holstein for the latter lacked precisely the characters of male pre- 
historic crania of the northern European races. 

Measurements : — 

Graniiim sent by 

Cranium from 


> Auden. 










1 33 







81 -n 



L. H. 




Maximum length 
Maximum breadth 
Horizontal circumference 
Cephalic index - 

England : Archeeologry. 
Notes on Excavations at Oliver's Camp near Devizes^ Wilts,* By 

Mrs, M. E, Cunninffion, 

This small earthwork, known as Oliver^s Camp, lies about two miles to the north 
of Devizes, Sitiuited OE one of the boldest promontories of the chalk escarpment of 
the north Wiltshire Downs, it commands a wide extent of country. To the south 
extendi the long, straight escarpment of Sahsbury Plain, to the westward may he seen 
the Mendips and the line of low hills stretching away to Bath, a little to the north 
of which it is posT^ihle, so it is said, to catch a glimpse of the Bristol Channel ; quite 
to the north the view is cut oft* by a neighbouring spur of the Downs, and to the east- 
ward stretch the Marlborough Downs. Scarcely ten miles away, in a stniigbt line 
across the valley on the edge of Salisbury Plain, is Brat ton Camp, and about four miles 
to the northward, but shut out from view by an intervening hill, is Oldbury Camp, 
perhaps the strongest hill fort in Wiltshire. 

The land on which the camp is situate belongs to the Crown, and it was with 
permission of the proper authorities, and the kind acquiescence of the tenant, that 
excavations were undertaken this summer (1907) with the object of ascertaining, if 

• The excavntions wcsre carried out by B. Howard Cuuaington, F.S.A*^Scot., Devistfa. 

[ 7 1 

No. 4.] 





possible, somethiDg of the history of the place, and to what age and to what people the 
construction of the camp is due. The work was carried on for three weeks, and on an 

A 5PWN(; c/uiio-rtoTHCR average six men were employed 
AHT^KSNTi vru' daily under the constant supervi- 
sion of those responsible for the 
undertaking. The earlier anti- 
quaries who have noticed the site 
have generally considered it to be 
Roman, but their guesses are of 
little value, and no attempt seems 
ever to have been made to unearth 
its history. Nor does there seem 
to be any record of " finds " in or 
near the camp that might have 
served as possible clues to the 
identity of any of its former 

The camp was more anciently 
called Round way or Rundaway 
Castle, and its present name of 
Oliver's Camp or Castle seems to 
have arisen out of a popular tradi- 
tion that Oliver Cromwell occupied, 
if he did not actually build, the 
camp. The only foundation in 
fact for this tradition is that the 

Fig. 1.~plan op site, etc. 

X- DITCH mmrnns^r. 

©•HEA(m< SITE 

® 'jiTiH ?Rwn),iiora£i«£Dne(imjn^ 



battle of Round way in 1643 was fought on the neighbouring Downs, when some of the 
combatants may have been posted close to, if not actually within, the boundary of 
the camp. Cromwell himself was 
not present on the occasion, but 
the fact that Cromwellian troops 
fought on the adjacent Downs was 
quite enough to give rise in the 
course of time to the popular asso- 
ciation of the camp with the name 
of the great man himself. Cromwell 
has always loomed large in the 
imagination of the people, and it 
has been said that he has achieved 
an unenviable notoriety only second 
to the Devil himself. In Devizes 
little school boys still get thumped 
and pinched if they do not wear 
oak leaves on May 29th, the day 
of the " glorious " restoration of 
King Charles II, a survival, no 
doubt, of the days when not only 
little school boys had a bad time 
if they were supposed to have 
leanings in favour of "old Moll" 
and his regime. 

The spur or promontory of the Downs on which the camp stands runs nearly 

[ 8 ] 


Fig. 2.~plan op camp. 



[No. 4. 

east and west,* narrowing almost to a point at the western end. The entrenchment, 
which consists of a single rampart and ditch, does not enclose the whole promontory 
but only about three acres at the outermost or western end. The eastern boundary 
of the camp is formed by an entrenchment thrown across the hill connecting together 
the entrenchments on the northern and southern sides, but leaving the larger portion 
of the promontory to the eastward open and undefended. On the northern and 
southern sides the entrenchment follows the lino of the hill, but is not carried out 
to quite the extreme verge of the hill at the western extremity, where it cuts 
across the point from north to south, and the small piece of ground thus left unenclosed 
is occupied by two mounds, which have been proved to be barrows of the Bronze Age. 
The escarpment of the promontory is very steep, and the site is thus rendered 
naturally a strong one on every side, except on that towards the east, where the 
promontory abuts on the open downs. As might be expected on this side, left 
unprotected by Nature, the fortifications are strongest, and, although still composed 
only of a single rampart and ditch, the one is higher and the other is deeper than 

on either of the other sides. On 
this weak eastern side it seems as 
if there ought to be an outer en- 
trenchment drawn for additional 
security nearer to the neck of land, 
and although there is now no visible 
sign of such entrenchment it is 
possible that there may have been 
one originally. A low bank and a 
shallow ditch might have become 
obliterated during many years of 
agricultural operations. This sup- 
position seems to be somewhat 
strengthened by the fact that east- 
ward of the present enclosure there 
are some indications of the former 
extension of the ramparts on the 
sides of the hill. The annexed 
plan of the camp will help to 
explain its construction, and at the 
same time to show the position and 
extent of the excavations. 
A section (A) 6 feet wide was taken through the south-eastern angle of the 
rampart, where it was 6 feet high, measured from the crest to the top of the ancient 
turf line. 

One section (C) 6 feet wide, and two (B and D) 4 feet wide, were cut through 
the eastern rampart, where its average height was 5 feet 6 inches. 

On the south side a trench (G) 3 feet wide was ttiken from 30 feet within the 
camp, through the rampart and outer ditch, the height of the rampart here being 
3 feet 6 inches. 

The western rampart was cut by two sections 4 feet wide. At F the ground 
had been disturbed, and, as the ancient turf line did not show, the height of the 
rampart could not be determined. At E it was 1 foot 10 inches. 

On the northern side the rampart is very slight, and was not excavated. The 
eastern ditch was cleared to the bottom for a length of 6 feet at C, and for a length 



* The position is actually south-west and north-east, but for brevity's sake the direct point of 
the compass is used throughout, thus the north-easterly rampart is referretl t<^ as easterly, and so on. 

[ 9 ] 

No. 4.] MAN. [1908. 

of 30 feet from its termination on the northern side of the entrance. The original 
depth of the ditch was from 13 feet to 14 feet,* 11 feet to 11^ feet of which is now 
filled np. It had a width of ahout 22 feet at the top, and from 2 feet to 4 feet at the 

A length of 30 feet was also cleared from the southern ditch, which was found 
to be 9 feet deep. 

On the western boundary the ditch shallowed to 5J feet, and on the northern side 
its average was 6^ feet, as shown by the three sections through it on that side. 

The interior of the camp was carefully searched over for signs of pit-dwellings 
or for other habitations, but nothing of the kind could be traced. 

Altogether forty-six trenches, varying in size from 4 feet by 2 feet to 30 feet by 
20 feet, were dug at intervals over the whole area of the camp, wherever there seemed 
a likelihood of finding traces of habitation. These were all unproductive of satisfactory 
results, and in some places not even so much as a worked flint was turned out. The 
trenches in the angles at the north-east, south-east, and south-west, where the accumu- 
lation of soil was thickest, were rather less barren than those in the centre or at the 
sides. Five hearth sites were, however, discovered in the various sections ; two under 
the rampart at B, one under the rampart at A, and the other two in the interior 
of the camp. These hearths consisted merely of a circular depression hollowed out of 
the solid chalk below the turf line, and in every case containing a quantity of charcoal 
and a few burnt flints. Two of tbose beneath the rampart and one in the centre of 
the camp also contained sherds of coarse pottery of Bronze Age type. This, together 
with the fact that three out of the five hearths were actually under the very centre 
of the rampart, seems to point to their being of rather earlier date than the camp itself. 
Perhaps they afford evidence of the occupation of the site before it was fortified. In 
this connection it is interesting to remember the presence of the two Bronze Age 
barrows just outside the entrenchments at the western extremity of the hill. 

There is only one main entrance into the camp, and that is placed nearly in the centre 
of the eastern rampart. Before excavation it was thought that breaches in the rampart 
at F and F 1 also indicated entrances, but as the ditch was found not to be 
interrupted at either point they were, perhaps, not regular entrances ; but there is some 
reason for thinking that they may have served as such if required. The entrance proved 
to be quite the most interesting structural feature brought to light during the work ; 
its plan after excavation will illustrate its peculiar features. The two ends of the 
ramparts in the course of centuries had slipped inwards and actually overlapped one 
another over the roadway as indicated on the plan by a line of interrupted strokes. 
When the debris thus accumulated had been removed, the original outline of the rampart 
could be fairly well traced, and four remarkable holes or pits were discovered, two on 
either side at the base of the ramparts. The outer left-hand pit (No. 3 on plan) was 
oval in shape with a diameter of 3 feet one way and 4 feet the other, while the other 
three were circular with a diameter of 3 feet, and with an average depth of 3 feet. 
Measured from their centres the inner and outer pits were 7^ feet apart, and 13 feet 
distant from each other across the entrance. They had been excavated out of the solid 
chalk with remarkably even and well cut sides, and had become entirely filled with 
loose chalk, apparently the result of the spreatl of the ramparts. This loose material 
retvdily came away from the smooth hard sides of the undisturbed chalk, so that there 
was no difficulty in ascertaining their original size and shape. From their position 
in relation both to each other and to the rampart, it seems clear that these pits must 
have been in some way connected with the gateway or barricades of the entrance, but 
what this connection was is not quite so obvious. 

* Where alternative fijriuvs are giveu it is to allow for slight variation in measurements at 
iUffcrent {miuts. 

[ 10 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 4. 

It has been objected that the pits are too large for mere post holes, but if they 
were intended to support the untrimmed trunks of trees their size is scarcely excessive. 
A few particles of decayed wood were actually found in Pit 1 ; that no trace of wood 
«ould be detected in either of the others is of little importance, as wood is known to 
disappear in chalk, often without leaving any visible trace behind. 

The two small holes marked as post holes may or may not have been connected 
with the barricades : it will be seen that one of them is under the rampart. A hole 
of similar size and shape was found under the centre of the rampart at section D. 

The ends of the ramparts slightly flank one another, and the roadway, as defined by 
the terminations of the ditch, enters the camp obliquely. The space between the two 
-ends of the ditch is 26 feet in width ; no trace of a paved or made road could be detected 
here or elsewhere in the camp. The section of this ditch as opened for a length of 
30 feet on the right hand of the entrance was found to narrow slightly towards the 
•entrance and to have a rounded termination with perpendicular sides. 

It would be of great interest to compare the features of this entrance with those of 
the entrances of other similar camps, but, unfortunately, none seem to be recorded. For 
instance, Winkelbury Camp in South Wilts, excavated and described by General Pitt- 
Rivers,* bears many striking resemblances to Oliver's Camp, and a very interesting 
•comparison might be drawn between them. If the points of the compass were 
altered their situations on spurs of the Downs are practically identical, and a 
description of one might almost be equally applied to the other. 

Winkelbury, it is true, is much more extensive, and has two outer entrenchments ; 
but, as has been already suggested, there is some reason for thinking that Oliver's 
Camp may once have had some equivalent arrangement. As it appears at present 
Oliver's Camp represents the inner stronghold of Winkelbury. Their entrances are in 
similar positions, but, unfortunately, that of Winkelbury has not been excavated, so that 
the interesting point as to whether the likeness is carried out in detail is unknown. 

The filling in of the eastern ditch at both its sections showed the same peculiar 
characteristics. As has been already stated, the ditch was originally from 13 feet to 
14 feet deep, 11 feet to 11^ feet being now filled up. For the first 5 or 6 feet 
from the bottom upwards this filling was found to consist of the usual chalky silt, 
intermingled, especially near the bottom, with large lumps of chalk, such as the rampart 
is built of, which no doubt rolled off into the ditch before the rampart had become 
ooated with turf. Above this chalky silt, nearly a foot in thickness, was a very distinct 
band of dark, tenacious, clayey material, full of snail shells, and having every appearance 
of an old surface line. From immediately above this dark line the ditch was filled 
in with a loose gravelly chalk rubble, of the same character throughout, right up to 
the present turf line. Numerous snail shells were noticed throughout the uppermost two 
or three feet of earthy mixed silting in all the other sections of the ditches, but in this 
oastem ditch, except in the dark seam, which was indeed full of snail shells, there were 
none throughout this upper rubble filling-in. If this rubble had accumulated slowly 
like the silt in the other sections of the ditch, why were there no snail shells in it, and 
why were the snail shells confined to one narrow seam halfway down its depth ? 

Unlikely as it seems, -one is forced to the conclusion that the upper portion of 
the ditch must at some period have been purposely filled in. In the first place, it is 
diflicult to see how such a large accumulation of material could have found its way 
into the ditch by natural causes alone ; and, secondly, why there should have been a 
pause in the process long enough to account for the dark band with snail shells. TIkj 
ohalky silt up to the dark line is clearly the result of weathering from the slope of 
the rampart and from the sides of the ditch itself. Until the rampart had become 

• Excaratiom in Cranhorne Chase^ Vol. II. 

[ 11 ] 

No. 4.] MAN. [1908. 

ooatod with turf, and whilo the ditch continued to expose bare chalk sides to the 
woathor, thin niltin^ procoHs would necessarily be rapid, but once this process had so 
far (!oine to an ond as to allow thick turf to grow on the top of the silt, the 
fliltin^ into the ditch must have been very slow and slight. Why should it have 
begun again suddenly, and whence could the material have come ? On one side 
the ditch is bounded by the rampart, which is composed of large lumps of chalk, 
entirely unlike the gravelly rubble in the upper portion of the ditch ; on the outer 
side the land slopes away from, not towards, the ditch, so that the tendency to silt 
in from that side must always have been very slight. It is perhaps significant 
that Roman remains, including samian ware, and nothing of a later date, were found 
tliroughout this rubble to within a few inches of the surface. The explorers of 
Worlbury, that great pro-Roman stronghold on the Bristol Channel, came to the con- 
clusion that the bulwarks there had been overthrown, and the ditch as far as 
possible filled up after the place had been taken by the Romans. May not in some 
degree a similar fate have overtaken this little Wiltshire stronghold ? The easiest 
and most obvious way of filling in the ditch would have been to throw down the rampart 
into it, and as this was not done it has been suggested that the enclosure may have been 
found useful, perhaps for herding cattle, after the site was abandoned for military 
purposes. It seems also not improbable that the ditch was found to be dangerous to 
oattlo from their liability to fall into it, and for this reason possibly it may have been 
found worth while to fill it in. 

The relies found throughout the excavations were few in number and fragmentary ; 
tliey did not include a single coin, only one nondescript fragment of bronze, two or 
three auibiguous pieces of iron, and, exclusive of one large pot found broken into many 
piOi*es, |N)rhaps 100 potshenls. The potsherds found in trenching the interior are 
chiefly of Romano-Hritish type, but some of them may be of late-Celtic origin* 
l*VagnuMits of Romano- British jyottery and a few pieces of samian were found scattered 
throughout the rubble filling-in of the eastern ditch, and also to a depth of 3 feet in 
the southern and western ditches, but in no ease in the deeper parts of the excavations* 
A few shenls of ]K>ttery were found on the ancient turf line beneath the ramparts : 
some of those are very rude and of Bronze Age type, but two pieces are of different 
and superior make, but do not appear to l>e Romano-British. Three sherds, apparently 
belonging to the same vessel, were discovered absohitely on the bottom of the deep 
oai»tern diteh, and must have found their way there l>efore any silting had accumulated. 
This jittery also diH^s not resemble either that which is usually regarded as typical 
of the Brtinxe Age or that of Romano-British make. In the low^er silting of the 
wuthorn ditch were found a quantity of sherds of somewhat similar character, all 
In^longing to what must have Ikhmi one large vessel of thick, red, well-baked pottery 
having the exterior surface tiwlini and polisheil. This pottery has been identitieil as 
undoubte^lly l^ite-Celtio in oharaoter. Samian and Roman reil ware were found on a 
higher level at the sjune s|H>t. 

Those e\i.lenees of date, scanty in themselves, have an aoinimulative force, and 
can Ih^ sununtnl up thus : Roman remains were found only in the upper tilling-in and 
silting of I he ditches, and nowhere In^ueath the ramjiarts or in the deeper excavations^ 
while ^H^tterv that is distinct and sujH^rior to that of the Bronze Age was found at 
the lH>Hi>m of the ditches, in the deojH^r excavations, and l>eneath ihe very centre 
of the ramjvirts, 

The only rt^a.^onable interprvtation of this evidence seems lo l»e that the camp 
wa^ built Uter than the Brv^nte Age, but Ivfore the advent of the Romans to this 
|vwrt of the i>nnitry» The evidemv, therefore as far aa it goes^ would s^em to as^sign 
iW making of the camp to the |HH>ple of the Latt^Celtie perit^l. 

KrxMu the n^lie-hnnter^s |H>int of view the results of the work ai ihe cauiip might 

12 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Xos. 4-5. 

perhaps be considered disappointing, but to those engaged in it the interest was very 
great, and, perhaps, the small contribution thus made to our all too scanty knowledge 
of British earthworks may not prove entirely valueless. The exploration of earthworks 
has for various reasons been neglected in the past far more so than the intrinsic interest 
of them has deserved. Some of the reasons for this neglect are obvious enough. Both 
time and patience are necessary before any impression can be made on even a small 
earthwork, and much labour may be expended without any very tangible results. It 
is so much simpler and more expeditious to cut into a barrow than to dig away at 
unproductive ramparts and to search for scanty fragments in the silt of ditches, that 
it is little wonder our knowledge of barrows is comparatively ample and of earthworks 
very meagre. The contents of many barrows had to be recorded before much light 
was thrown upon their history, so the examination of many earthworks is needed to 
help interpret the history of one. But the record of one in itself of no great importance 
may be both useful and valuable, in so far as it helps towards this common end.* 


Greece. Murray. 

The Rise of the Greek Epic. By Gilbert Murray, M.A., LL.B. Oxford : C 
Clarendon Press, 1907. Pp. xi -f 283. 23 x U cm. Price 6*. U 

The Rise of the Greek Epic is a subject that has seldom been treated by 
scholars who were also students of anthropology. Mr. Murray, in his lectures to 
• the University of Harvard, not only brings to his theme the faculty of literary 
appreciation, and the taste of an accomplished master of verse, English and Greek, 
with the erudition of- a profound and elegant scholar; he also studies the remote past 
of the " JEge&n " or " Minoan " civilisation in the spirit of the anthropologist. His 
theory of the rise of the Homeric epics is not mine ; but I am here concerned only 
with his anthropology. On several points we are not of one mind ; but in his 
remarks on the sacrifice of the ox {Odyssey^ iii, 415-450), I thought his observations 
judicious and original. Why (ibid,^ iii, 444-450) do the ladies of Nestor's family 
" raise a wail" when the ox is slain? Mr. Murray says of Nestor's women that 
they " wailed aloud ... as the Todas wail." The ox is the old sacred 
friend of the family, and, in Attica, the Bouphonia, or "ox-murder," with all its 
pretence of fear and guilt, is a clear survival of an age when cattle, as among the 
Todas, were more or less sacred. On the other hand, when the cattle of foes are 
slaughtered, in the Iliad, there is no wailing by the women who are captives 
themselves. The domestic wail for the domestic animal was clearly a survival. This 
theory appealed to me as being correct, when a friend, to whom I mentioned it — a friend 
whose knowledge of Homer is extensive — quoted Iliad, vi, 301 ; Odyssey, iv, 767, 
xxii, 411, as proof that the women's "wail" is really a cry of adoration or of triumph, 
while {Iliady x, 294) in solemn sacrifice in time of war the horns of captured kine 
are gilded. Compare Merry's Odyssey, note to iii, 450. 

I cannot follow Mr. Murray confidently as to totemism. Apollo of the shrew 
mouse (Apollo Smintheus) has been explained — by myself first, I think (Custom 
and Myth) — as a god who perhaps derives his name, and his association with shrew 
mice, from a mouse totem, or rather, a mouse tribal siboko. But perhaps the mouse 
was no totem, but a corn spirit, of which I knew nothing when 1 wrote. Mr. Murray 
writes, " In Greece itself some people who would rather have died than eat a mouse, 

* A fuller and more detailed account of the work done at Oliver's Camp will appear in the 
magazine of the Wiltshire Archa&ological and Natural History Society, January 1908. 

[ 13 ] 

No. 5.1 MAN. [1908. 

" seem to have mingled with others who felt the same about lizards. Their god.* 
" were both identified with Apollo. When an avoider of mice found his friend eating 
" mice freely near Apollo's temple, and meetmg no condign punishment, he must 
" naturally have been filled with religious anger." 

Why ? A savage of the mouse totem does not mind it when he sees a tribesman 
of the lizard totem eating mice. He sees no harm in that. But surely we have no 
right to suspect any Greek, in an age when Apollo already had temples, of eating 
shrew mice ! To feed on any such small deer is a thing unknown to Homer. His 
men are so far from being totemists that, as Mr. Murray truly says, " the Achaean or 
northern spirit," the " Homeric tone of mind," " pruned away or ignored the special 
" myths, beliefs, and rites, that were characteristic of the conquered races." 

Now like other words ending in inihoSj sminthos, "a shrew mouse," i;? 
'' pre-Hellenic." It is an unheard of thing that a kin should borrow a totem, and 
even if the earlier races of the JEgean — more civilised, Mr. Murray says, than the 
Achaeans from the north — were none the less totemists when the Achaeans came, the 
Achffians would not borrow totems from them. There may have been totemism in 
" the dark backward " of Greek society, but we cannot conceive that there were mouse 
and lizard kins in the late Minoan age, either among Achaeans or among the people 
(whatever their language) whom they found dwelling in Knossos and Mycena3. 

Akin to what I cannot but regard as a case of " telescoping " two remote stages 
of culture into one is Mr. Murray's statement that while the Aryans, the Greeks, were 
in the patriarchal stage, with relationship counted on the male side, among " the 
" pre-Hellenic races " (the makers of Knossos and Mycenae) " the father did not 
" count — at least not primarily — in the reckoning of relationship. He did count for 
" something, since exogamy, not endogamy, was the rule." 

I see no reason for supposing that a highly civilised race was in the same state 
of social organisation as the Euahlayi or the Kamilaroi, with exogamy and female 
descent, and below that of the Arunta. That they worshipped a maiden goddess^ 
" the Kor6," proves nothing ; for tribes with female descent, known to us in Australia, 
worship no maiden goddess. Again, I do not feel sure that inheritance in the female 
line is proved by the many legends in which a hero marries the daughter of a foreign 
king and succeeds to the throne. Among the Picts this did, apparently, indicate 
female descent, but, in an age of wandering conquerors, marrying alien heiresses, like 
the Normans, the foreign brides were not of a race who practised female descent. 
Mr. Murray sees this (p. 45), but adds a note, *^ there is ground for suspecting that 
" descent in these" (pre-Hellenic) "communities went by the female side. . . .'* 
The Norman case proves that no such suspicion is necessary. Moreover, after the 
Norman Conquest, the genealogies of Highland clans were altered, Skene says, in 
Celtic Scotland^ just to be in the fashion, with a Norman marrying a Celtic heiress* 

McLennan thought that he had proved the past existence of female descent 
for the Achaeans, who were Aryans. He may have done so, but if he and Mr. Murray 
are both right, Greeks (Aryans) and pre-Hellenic peoples (not Aryans) were on a 
level in this matter. However, I think that we have no information as to the family^ 
certainly none as to exogamy, among the supposed pre-Hellenic dwellers in Mycenae 
and Knossos, if pre-Hellenic they really were. We can scarcely use our anthropological 
knowledge where nothing is known as to the family, unless Homer is right in 
attributing male descent to the family of jEoIus. But, of course, Homer only describes 
society as he finds it in his own time, except in the one, or perhaps two, cases in 
which ho mentions adelphic marriages. 

The standing puzzle in Homer is the method of burial. The dead man is burned 
on a pyre, his bones are gathered (Iliad^ xxiii, 229) and placed in a golden phiale 
or larnaxy are bestowed in a stone chamber within a high cairn, and a stone pillar i& 

■[ 14 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 5. 

placed on the top of the cairn : all this in an age when weapons are of bronze, but 
tools, more usually, of iron. No cairn with such contents has been excavated ; no 
such contents have been found in a cairn on Greek soil. I fear they never will be 
found, for the cairn and pillar were an advertisement and guide to tomb robbers. 

Mr. Murray, on the other hand, supposes that cremation was practised under the 
conditions of the age of migrations, of which he gives a lively picture. The Achsean 
migration to Asia is ignored by Homer, bnt I do not dwell on that fact. Mr. Murray 
supposes that the wanderers in hostile lands burned their dead as ^' one perfect way 
" of saving your dead from all outrage. You could burn them into their ultimate 
'* dust." But in Homer that is not done. The bones are carefully preserved. Again, 
the Homeric dead are not laid " in unknown and secret graves.*' What the heroes, 
from Hector to Elpenor, wanted was a cojispieuous memorial. They got it, and the 
arrangements, far from concealing the bones and grave-goods (which were but seldom 
included), advertised the resting places of the warriors. The method, then, was not 
adopted for the sake of secrecy, as Mr. Murray suggests. It was not during migrations, 
but in the settled life at Knossos, that chamber tombs, shaft graves, and pit graves^ 
attained secrecy in the order given. Out of forty-nine chamber graves, thirty-one ; 
out of thirty-three shaft graves, eight ; out of eighteen pit graves, one, had been 
robbed between the sack of the palace in a prehistoric age and the arrival of 
Mr. Arthur Evans {Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos^ p. 103). On the other hand, the 
Royal Tomb of lopata, marked by a considerable mound or cairn, " itself perhaps 
" crowned by some conspicuous stela or monument" (ibid., p. 140), had been 
thoroughly well sacked. 

The Homeric method of burial is certainly that of an established people, which 
fears no desecration of its dead by enemies, though the Trojans might leap, as 
Agamemnon feared, on the cairn of Menelaus, if he died from the wound of the 
arrow of Pandarus. 

This is the melancholy fact ! We can scarcely hope to find intact Homeric 
cairns. They were too conspicuous to avoid being ransacked. 

Mr. Murray's theory that the Acha3ans were xdpri KOfidt^vree, long-haired, because 
they were votaries, pledged not to cut their hair till they took Troy, is unconvincing. 
Long flowing locks are common in late Minoan art, at Knossos and on the cups of 
Vaphio, and in the representations of Minoan men on the tomb of Rekhmara, the 
Egyptian. Close-cropped haur is also common, but we have no reason to suppose that 
the bull hunters of Vaphio, or the envoys to Egypt, or the men looking on at athletic 
sports in Knossos, were all under vows. Achilles, to be sure, had vowed his 
wX6Kafwr Optwriipior to the Spercheius at home, though he cut it off and laid it in the 
hand of the dead Patroclus {Iliads xxiii, 141-152). But that was only one lock. 
The Achaeans may have continued the Minoan custom of love locks, like the Spartans 
who fell at Thermopylae. It is not necessary to argue against Mr. Murray's contention 
that the vow of the Achaeans included celibacy. The reverse is conspicuously certain^ 
in my opinion, if we take the poem as it stands. 

Into the question of the bride-price I do not go ; I have treated it in Homer 
and his Age (pp. 241-243). Questions about bronze, iron, and armour are archaeological 
rather than anthropological, and Mr. Arthur Evans is against Mr. Murray, Reichel^ 
and Robert. All the post-Homeric writers yield a much larger store of survivals 
from barbaric or savage life than Homer, whose taste was averse from contemplating 
" the disgusting details " of early magic and ritual, which are preserved by the later 
epic poets, the cyclics of the eighth century in Asia. A. LANG* 

[ 15 ] 

No. 6.] MAN. [1908. 


The third International Congress for the History of Religions will be held at jj 
Oxford from September 15 to 18, 1908. The meetings will be of two kinds. 
General meetings for papers or lectures of wider import, and meetings of sections 
for papers, followed by discussion. The sections will be eight in number. The hon. 
secretaries are Dr. J. Estlin Carpenter, 100, Banbury Road, Oxford, and Dr. L. R. 
Farnell, 191, Woodstock Road, Oxford, to whom applications for membership and 
offers of papers should be sent. All papers must be sent in by August 31st, and it 
will be a convenience if members desiring to read papers will inform the secretaries 
before May Slst. 

A COMMITTEE has been formed under the auspices of the Liverpool University to carry 
on excavation and research in Wales and the Marches. Among the subjects which may 
be expected to engage the attention of the committee in the first instance may be 
mentioned the following : — (a) The preparation of an archaeological map of Wales 
and the Marches, on which all known sites and individual finds shall be marked, 
together with a bibliography and index of all known information respecting them, 
(ft) The execution of an archaeological survey of the whole area, to supplement the 
recorded material, and complete the arcliseological map, so far as surface-evidence is 
concerned, (c) The consideration of a scheme of successive excavations on the sites 
which may be selected as of most crucial importance for the solution of the questions 
of distribution and historical sequence, which are certain to be raised by the pre- 
liminary survey and mapping. The work will be carried out in co-operation with the 
University of Wales and the Cambrian Archaeological Society, and will be under the 
supervision of Professors Bosanquet, Garstang, Myres, and Newberry of Liverpool, 
and Professor Haverfield of Oxford. 

The output of anthropological literature has now reached such dimensions that any 
attempt to co-ordinate it and render it more accessible to students must be welcomed by 
anthropologists at large. The Bibliography of Anthropology and Folklore^ containing 
works published in the British Empire, and published by a joint committee of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute and Folklore Society, should be of the greatest value 
to those engaged in research. It is proposed that it should be issued yearly, that for 
1906, which has just been published, being the first of the series. It can be obtained 
at 3, Hanover Square. 

An anthropological expedition, led by Mr. E. Torday and including Messrs. M. W. 
Hilton Simpson and N. H. Hardy, all Fellows of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 
left for the Congo Free State in October. The expedition, which is supported by the 
British Museum and the Institute, and has been promised all facilities on the part of 
the Free State authorities, aims at making an ethnographical survey of the country 
between the Upper Kwilu and Lulua. 

Anthropologists will regret that the eighteenth report, published by Dr. W. E. Roth 
{Records of the Australian Museum^ Sydney j N.S.fV,\ is to be his last contribution 
to Australian ethnography. After thirteen years' work in Queensland Dr. Roth has 
migrated to British Guiana, where, it is to be hoped, he will find opportunities for 
making as important contributions to anthropological science as hitherto in Australia. 

Dr. C. G. Seligmann, F.R.A.L, left England in December for Ceylon, where he 
intends, on behalf of the Cingalese Government, to study the sociology of the Veddahs. 
He is accompanied by his wife. 

Printed by Bybe and Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 

Vi.ME H. 

Max, 1908, 


Fig, 1 

Fig. -2. 

Fig. 3. 

Fig, 4 

•IG. 5, 

Fir., 6, 




[No. 7. 



Music. With Plate B. Rldgeway. 

The Orii^ln of' the Guitar and Fiddle. % Professor IVitliam 

It lias loug been rt?«:t>giiisc^d tlmt the ori^itr of many of our bent-knowu inn initial 
instniiiients is to he found in the primitive sliootiii^ bow, and ^otnc even bold that to 
ibis primitive weapon ntl oiir stringed instniinenta are to bt* referred. At the Oriental 
Congress in 189*2 the lati^ Dr. van Landt of Leydcn showed that the earliest niiisfcal 
instrnmeiit used by the Arabs wa^ thoir bow, the string of whioh wh« twanged to 
acM'onjpuny their war 8ong8, aa they marclied to battle. Mr. Henry Half our* has 
trRi!od the vnrionw developments of the **^miirtif'aMmw," 8howing the diifereut incMlifii^a- 
tioD!* of the original shooting bow ul>tainfd l»y the addition of a resonator or sounding 
hoarcL The present paper la an attempt to deal with one class of inatntmenifl left 
untouched by previoiis writers, m for at* I am aware. 

There ean be no doubt that both the harp of northern Europe and the eonventioua] 
lyre of Greece were 
both evohod from 
tb e s h oot i n g I >o w , 
whifh was bent up, 
the place of tbe 
string beiog taken 
in eaeli i*nM: by a 
wood e 1 1 eros s p i e ( . 
the i^fringj^ heir 
g tret (died from Ibl 
erosspieee to the 
bixiy of the l)ow. 
From this point on- 
wards there wer< 
two distinet linen <! 
development* In the 
ca^^e of tho northern 
harp the bow was 
bent np until it 
virtually as?^mned a 
V-shape^ and w^ith 
the addition of the 

eroHt^pieee instead of the original bow-string it praetically be<mme triangular, although 
one Hide of it retained the curve of the original Lk>w, the other side lieing straight- 

By the aildition of a resonator was reached the raediteval form of northern harp, 
aucb as the ancient speeimen preserved in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, 
ptjymlarly known as the harp of Brian Born, but really dating from a far later period, 
and having once belonged to the great house of O'Neill, as is proved by its silver 
biwige (PI. B., Fig* 5t). In south-eastern Europe and iu Phrygia, whither it bad pro- 
baldy been bronglit by the Phryges when they emigrated from Europe, we meet the 
eorapletely triangular form known to the Greeks as the *"* triangle " (jfyiymvov) or 
the " Phrvgiun triangle,"J which is often seen on Greek works of art (Fig. 7).§ 
This type shows no resonator. 

• 7%^ Mitsimi BiHt (Oxford, 1899). 

f By kiiiil {lermiHsion from a photograpb hf Sir lien jam in Stonc^ F^S.^, 
X Hoph. Fr. 3tU : ir^iXi'!: Ik fpvl rpiy-Ji^ot' ; '/• M\u 183 f, 
4 Brit, MuA^f £4i/. of (f>m*^ No. 55d. 
[ 17 ] 



Wo. 7.J 



lu the other lion of development the primitive bow does not become trtaH|TiiUvr 
hut retuiiifi its curved fomi, aj? is seen iti the typical Greek Ijre (Figs» 7, 8, 9). The 
curving sides aud hack of the bow are plainly there, and the horns of the instrument 
are islniply of the !x>vv, the Greek ruirao (ttj^x^'c) bein^ the s»ame in eaeli case. 
The 8trintr, as in the norihern barp,^ is replufid by a rrohspieee called the **yoke" 
{Zvyor\ the titringa being stretched from the crosspiece to the back of the bow, not 
to one of the Mdm as in the 'Hnangular " harps. The back of the Ijow in this case 
wa« later furnished with a resonator or eounding-lioard, which forms the foot of the 
<soiiventional (ireek lyre, ?iuch as thai seen on certain Macedonian coinn. This 
<80und in g- board is closely connected with the famous story relatitt^ to tlie inveutiou 
not of the lyre, but of one type of lyre known as the ckeli^s. When Apollo came 

from tln^ land of the 
HypcrhorcanH, who dwelt 
beyoiHl the ^^r^hmly sources 
of the Danube/' be brought 
with him his northern harp 
ikii/iftra). On his arrival 
iu Thc^!s«aly with his great 
bei'd of cattle, Hermes, the 
aboriginal god of Arcadia*, 
made a cattle raid into 
Thessnly and lifted the ktne 
of the northern god. The 
latter gave chase and 
captured the thief in his 
own borne in Ar<[^adia. Now 
on the day of his birth 
Hermes bad sallied forth 
and found a <hi[jp[e- backed 
tortoise spraddhng along as 
it fed before ihe bouse. 
The precocious babe killed 
I he tortoihte aud forthwith 
stretched reeds across* its 
shell and made an instru- 
ment called " tortoiHO " 
(xAvc), termed also " tor- 
luise'^ (tCKtudo) by tlie 
Kt>m«ns, biit comiuouly 
spoken of as a lyre (Xvpa). 
The enraged Apollo de- 
manded retjuital from the 
ihicf, and thereupon Hermes presented bim with his newly-inveuted iuHtrunieiit. 
Apollo wad 80 delighted with it that ho forgave the culprit and henceforward he 
made him his brother and shared with him all his own prerogatives save that of 

The ehclys of Hermes had no nci^k or projecting arm, for it simply consisted of 
n tortoif^e-shell with reeds or strings stretched across it. This work does not occur 
on works of art^ though the lyre immediately evolved from it is often seen in Greek 
vase painting (Figs, 8, 10), the resonator Ix^yLind doubt l>eing a tortoise-shell. Exactly 

rilOM A VASE. 



FlO, 9.— FROH A YA8E, 


♦ Figi. 8-11 arc from Gerhard, Aua Vatmhildttr, 

[ i« ] 



[No. 7. 

the same instrnmeiit as ihat of Herities is at this moment in use fimon|2^8t some of 
the tribes on the Con^o. It U fonned of the bacl< of a tortoise with a piece of akin 
stretehed tif^htly over it, the whole ueting as a resionator to the notes fanttened across 
it (PL B,, F\g* 4*) as is the wny in the common Kuflir ortraii. 

The reas^on why Apollo., the northern god, Is represented tn the legend a.** so 
readily propitiated hy the ehebfs of Hermes is that tlje northern people.s had no natural 

atindinti^-boards rendy to hand, for tlir li i ! ' t , V ' t ^' t1 

fehootJTig liow. There does not 
appear to have been any original 
Btrinired instrument made with a 

amiding-board north of the Alps, 
pi nee there wa.** no natural sound- 
ing-board tliere. But, on tlie other 
Juind, in the Mediterranean basin 
tiiere was a natural sou ridinir- board 
in the t^liell of the tortoise, as 
we have just seen in the myth 
of Hermes, Again, all over Africa 
at the present moment stringed 
instruments with rc^sonators formed 
of tortoise - shells or gourd;?, or 
with those of wood, imitating the 
tortoise or the gourd, are extremely 
eonunon. We have just seen the 
tortoise instrument from the Congo 
(PI B., Fig. 4), From a round 
gonrd or the round end of an 
oblong gourd eauie the banjo 
(PL B., Fig. ii), whieh wus brought 
into America by the >bives im- 
ported from West Africa, whilst i 
from the oval-jjhaped gourd came 
the familiar mandolin* The hist 
two have been eonsidered simply 
as cases of the primitive shooting 
bow tittcni with a gourd re.'^onator. 
But in such in^tnunents we have 
rather a bleudiug of two origin id 
types: — (I) The sln^oting bow 
and (2) the shell or gourd simjdy 
used as a resorjator without any 
projecting arm, tlie strings being 
simply stretched from the edges of 
the sViell or gourd, as iji tbe Congo ^^'• 
instrument (PL 0., Fig, 4). In 
tbe most primitive forms of these instrumeuts the striogs were not fnrme<l of sepiu*ate 
piece» of sinew or gut, but one long string, passed up and down through notehes at 
either end of tbe shell or gourd, formed all tbe notes, the tuning being otfectcd by 
puUtTig tight the string throughout its many laps. I show here (Fig. 12) an excellent 
specimen of this instrument formerly used by the women of the Bahima tribes of 

• This Bpecimen is in the Cambridge Anthropological MuBt?nni. ajs is also PI- Rm Fig. 8. 

[ 19 ] 

IJ — nciMirivK uauim^ iNSiHt sient KaoM A 


No. 7.] MAN. [1908. 

Uganda. It vras obtained for the Cambridge Anthropological Masenm bj mj friend. 
Rev. J. Roscoe. In the Hhape of the wooden soanding-board the original tortoise type 

There is no doubt that a primitive form of the bow was used in Ancient Egypt ; 
this was fitted with a tortoise or gourd resonator, from which arose a primitive man- 
dolin, such as that seen in a Cypriote figurine dating from about 800 B.C., purchased 
by Professor Flinders Petrie in Egypt. That the Egyptians used tortoise shells for 
this purpose is proved by the remains of such an instrument made of tortoise-shell in 
the Egyptian Department of the British Museum. 

It is not improbable that this primitive modification of the bow gives us the real 
meaning of the curious passage in 2 Samuel, i. 17, where we read that David made 
his lament for Saul and for Jonathan his son. Also he bade them teach the children 
of Judah the use of the bow, or teach them the Ixtw, as it is in the original. But as the 
shooting l>ow had been the chief weapon of all the Semites from the earliest times, 
it is most improbable that David had the children of Judah taught archery for the first 
time. In any case, even if this were so, this piece of information comes in very 
awkwardly. Again, it has been commonly explained that " the bow " is the name of 
the lament which follows, because the word bow occurs in it. But as the shield, the 
bow, and the sword, are all mentioned, and as the shield occurs first in the enumeration, 
if the passage was to be called after some defensive or offensive arm it might as 
well have been called the shield or the sword, and more especially the former, as it 
comes first in order. On the other hand, if it means that David had taught the 
modified form of bow which at that time was already commonly in use in Egypt as 
an accompaniment for war songs and laments, it is most appropriate in its present 
place. Moreover, it explains the statement in the prophet Micah that David was an 
inventor of musical instruments. 

The primitive form, as we know it in ancient Egypt, was gradually developed until 
it reached the shape now in use amongst the Dinkas on the Upper Nile, whilst it is 
well known in a still more highly elaborated form, now becomei a ship, on the coast 
of the Indian Ocean (PI. B., Fig. 1*). 

The Dinka type has indentations in its sides analogous to the waist of the guitar 
and fiddle. It is quite possible, and even probable, in face of the fact that tortoise- 
shells were certainly used for sounding boards in ancient Egypt, that this Dinka form 
has come rather from the tortoise than from the gourd. 

Let us now return to the Mediterranean and the myth of Hermes. If it be said that 
the story of the use of tortoise-shell for resonators by the Greeks is merely a fable, it 
can bo at once shown that down to a late period the Greeks continued to use a musical 
instrument made out of tortoise-shell and constantly termed a lyre (Xupa). Thus 
Pausanias, who travelled through Greece about a.d. 180, tells us that in the forests on 
Mount Parthenius in Arcadia (the very land where Hermes was said to have invented 
the chelys) there were tortoises of large size as well suited for making lyres as those 
brought from India. This proves that instruments made of tortoise-shell were in use 
in Greece down to comparatively late times, and though I am unable to show that they 
are still in use in that country, such still survive in regular use on the southern shores 
of the Mediterranean. PI. B., Fig. 2, shows two little guitars : One is used by the 
natives in Algeria ;t it has but two strings and its sounding board is nm<le of a tortoise- 
shell. The other, which has three strings, is from Casa Blanca, in north-west Morocco, 
whilst similar ones are regularly in use amongst the minstrels of Tangiers. It will be 

* From u HpeciiiKTi in my wife's possession. 

t Tlie Aljreriun specimen was given to me by my old pupil, Mr. W. J. Farreell, Fellow of Jesus 
Coll., Cuinl). ; tluU from C-asa Blanca by my old pupil, Mr. Clement Guteh, lecturer of St. John's 
Coll., Camb. 

[ 20 ] 

1908.] MAJS. [Nob. 7-8. 

seen that each of these sounding boards has a waist, owing to the natural conforma- 
tion of the tortoise-shell. In this natural waist of the tortoise, the primaeval sounding 
board of the Greeks and other people of the Mediterranean, I venture to suggest that 
we have the starting point of the familiar waist of the guitar and fiddle. If it be 
said that the waist in the fiddle is simply the outcome of an effort to obtain greater 
freedom for using the bow, the answer at once is that the guitar, in playing which no 
bow is used, has a similar waist. It may be said that the little rude instruments of 
Algiers and Morocco are only modern imitations of guitars, Init we have just produced 
the strongest evidence for the use of the tortoise-shell for a sounding board in Egypt 
and in Greece long before the guitar and fiddle had been evolved. 

We may therefore conclude that (1) in upper Europe there were instruments 
derived simply from the bow of the archer ; (2) that below the great mountain chain 
in the Mediterranean basin the tortoise supplied a natural sounding board as in Greece 
and Italy, and that from it was evolved a musical instrument quite independent of the 
shooting bow ; (3) that from the tortoise with its slightly indented sides has arisen 
the characteristic waist of the guitar and fiddle, both admittedly products of Mediter- 
ranean lands, the original tortoise-shell instrument with its strings simply stretched 
across the shell, as in the example from the Congo, was supplemented by a short neck, 
which need not have been suggested by the shooting bow, since the earliest known have 
very short necks (PI. B., Fig. 6. Fragment of the roof of St. Mary's Abbey, York, 
from a photograph by my friend. Dr. G. Auden, of York) ; (4) in Africa both tortoise- 
shells and gourds have been widely employed since very ancient times, either inde- 
pendently of the shooting bow, as in the Congo specimen, or fitted on to the archer's 
bow to serve as resonators, as in the ancient Egyptian instrument and in the modern 
African bomba^ and its developments on the Nile and on .the shores of the Indian 
Ocean, which may have come either from a gourd or a tortoise-shell, a form familiar 
to us in the mandolin ; (5) it is certain that the banjo with its circular resonator has 
been developed out of a circular gourd or the circular end of an oval one. 


Australia. Frazer. 

The Australian Marriaife Laws. Bi/ J. G. Frazer. 11 

When my esteemed friend Dr. A. W. Howitt was in England a few years 
ago for the purpose of seeing his book. The Native Tribes of South-East Australia^ 
through the press, I had the privilege of entertaining him in my house at Cambridge 
for several days. Our conversation naturally turned much on the Australian aborigines, 
and in the course of it I observed that the effect of the division of the community 
into two exogamous sections or classes was to prevent the marriage of brothers with 
sisters, and that the effect of the division of the conununity into four exogamous 
sections or sub-classes (with the characteristic rule of descent) was to prevent the 
marriage of parents with children. The observation seemed to me of great import- 
ance, indeed to go to the root of the Australian marriage system. But, so far as I 
can trust a treacherous memory at this distance of time, I was under the impression 
that this view of Australian exogamy was Dr. Howitt's own, and accordingly I was 
somewhat surprised when, on my mentioning it, he received it as one which had not 
occurred to him before. But with characteristic candour he welcomed it as true and 
recorded it with approval in his book, assigning to me the credit of the observation 
{The Native Tribes of South-East Australia^ pp. 284-286). Hence I supposed that 
my original impression as to Dr. Howitt's view must be wrong, and since then I have 
flattered myself with the belief that I had made a discovery of some importance. 

But to-day (January 2nd, 1908) in looking over an old paper of Dr. Howitt's 
{Notes on the Australian Class Si/stems^ Joum. Anthr, Inst.^ Vol. XX., 496 sqq.\ 

[ 21 ] 

Vo». 8-9.] MAN. 0908. 

I find that my fi r8t impression was right, and that as far back as 1882 Dr. Howitt 
ha<l clearly perceived and clearly stated that the effect and the intention of the 
Mnccessive bisections of an Australian tribe was to prevent, first, the marriage of 
brothers with sisters, and, second, the marriage of parents with children. To quote 
only his conclusion he suggests as " a reasonable hypothesis " that " (1) The primary 
" division into two classes was intended to prevent brother and sister marriage in the 
" commune. (2) The secondary divisions into sub-classes were intended to prevent 
" the |)ossibility of inter-marriage between parents (own and tribal) and children " 
(op, cit.^ p. 504). 

I have little doubt that this passage was the source of my impression that 
Dr. Howitt held the view so lucidly stated in it, but I may perhaps be excused for 
having forgotten it, since it appears that the passage had equally escaped the memory 
of Dr. Howitt himself. It is with sincere pleasure that I am thus able to disclaim 
for myself, and to assign to Dr. Howitt, the merit of having first perceived and pointed 
out what I firmly believe to be the truth as to the origin of exogamy in Australia, 
As no man has done so much as he by his writings and his influence to make known 
the facts of the Australian marriage system, it is fitting that to him should fall 
the honour also of explaining them. That his explanation will in time be universally 
accepted as the true one I entertain no doubt. J. G. FRAZER. 

Folklore. Westennarok. 

The KWWntc of the Divine Kln^^. By Professor Edward Westermarck, A 
Ph.D. U 

As all anthropologists know, there are various instances recorded of man-gods or 
divine kings being put to death by their worshippers. Equally well known is the 
explanation of this custom which has been suggested by Professor J. G. Frazer. 
Primitive people, he observes, sometimes believe that their own safety and even that of 
the world is boimd up with the life of one of these god-men or human incarnations of 
the divinity. They therefore take the utmost care of his life out of a regard for their 
own. But no amount of care and precaution will prevent the divine king from growing 
old and feeble and at last dying. And in order to avert the catastrophes which may be 
expected from the enfeeblemeut of his powers and their final extinction in death, they 
kill him as soon as he shows symptoms of weakness, and his soul is transferred to a 
vigorous successor before it has been seriously impaired by the threatened decay. But 
some peoples appear to have thought it unsafe to wait for even the slightest symptom 
of decay and have preferred to kill the divine king while he is still in the full vigour of 
life. Accordingly they have fixed a term beyond which he may not reign, and at the 
close of which he must die, the term fixed upon being short enough to exclude the 
probability of his degenerating physically in the interval. Thus it appears that in some 
places the people could not trust the king to remain in full bodily and mental vigour for 
more than a year ; whilst in Ngoio, a province of the ancient kingdom of Congo, the 
rule obtains that the chief who assumes the cap of sovereignty one day shall be put 
to death on the next.* 

Every reader of The Golden Rough must admire the ingenuity, skill, and learning 
with which Dr. Frazer has worked out his theory, even though they may fail to find 
the argument in every point convincing. It is obvious that the supernatural power of 
divine kings is frequently supposed to be infiuenced by the condition of their bodies. 
In some cases it is also obvious that they are killed on account of some illness, corporal 
defect, or symptom of old age, and that the ultimate reason for this lies in the supposed 
connection between physical deterioration and waning divinity. But, as Dr. Frazer 
himself observes, in the chain of his evidence a link is wanting : he can produce no 

* Fraser, Golden Bought ii.. 5 $qq, 
t 22 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 9. 

direct proof of the idea that the soul of the slain man-god is transmitted to his royal 
successor.* In the absence of such evidence I venture to suggest a somewhat different 
explanation, which seems to me more in accordance with known facts — to wit, that 
the new king is supposed to inherit, not the predecessor's soul, but his divinity or 
holiness, which is looked upon in the light of a mysterious entity, temporarily seated in 
the ruling sovereign, but separable from him and transferable to another individual. 

This modification of Dr. Frazer's theory is suggested by certain beliefs prevalent 
among the Moors. The Sultan of Morocco, who is regarded by the people as " the 
vicegerent of God," appoints before his death some member of his family — by pre- 
ference one of his sons — as his successor, and this implies that his haraka^ or holiness,, 
will be transferred to the new sovereign. But his holiness may also be appropriated 
by a pretender during his lifetime, which proves that it is regarded as something quite 
distinct from his soul. Thus, sometime ago, the people said that the recent pretender, 
£1 Rogui, had come into possession of the Sultan's harakay and that he would subse- 
quently hand it over to one of the Sultan's brothers, who was then denied his liberty^ 
Like the sultans of Morocco, the divine Kafir kings of Sofala, who were put to death 
if afflicted with some disease, nominated their successors.! In ancient Bengal, again^ 
whoever killed a king and succeeded in placing himself on the royal throne, was 
immediately acknowledged as king ; the people said, " We are faithful to the throne^ 
** whoever fills the throne we are obedient and true to it."J In the kingdom of 
Passier, on the northern coast of Sumatra, where the sacred monarch was not allowed by 
his subjects to live long, '^ the man who struck the fatal blow was of the royal lineage, 
'^ and as soon as he had done the deed of blood and seated himself on the throne 
" he was regarded as the legitimate king, provided that he contrived to maintain 
^^ his seat peaceably for a single day.";^ In these cases, it seems, the sanctity was 
considered to be inherent in the throne and to be partly communicated to persons 
who came into close contact with it.§ 

Now, holiness is a quality which is generally held to be exceedingly susceptible 
to any polluting influence, and this would naturally suggest the idea that, in order to 
remain unimpaired, it has to be removed from a body which is defiled by disease or 
blemish. Such an idea may be supposed to underlie those cases in which even the 
slightest bodily defect is a sufficient motive for putting the divine king to death. It 
is of the greatest importance for the community that the holiness on which its welfare 
depends should not be attached to an individual whose organism is no longer a fit 
receptacle for it, and who is consequently unable to fulfil the duties incumbent upon 
a divine monarch ; and it may be thought that the only way of removing the holiness 
from him is to kill him. The same explanation would seem to apply to the killing 
of kings or magicians who have actually proved incapable of bringing about the 
benefits expected from them, such as rain or good crops,|| although in these instances 
the murderous act may also be a precaution against the revenge they might otherwise 
take for being deposed, or it may be a punishment for their failure,! or have the 

. ♦ Frazer, Golden Bough, ii., 56. f ^^'<^m ii-, 10. % Ibid,, ii., 16. 

§ Since the above was written, Dr. Frazer himself has kindly drawn my attention to some 
statements in his Lectures an the Early Histtrry of the Kingship (p. 121 sgg.\ from which it appears 
that in some parts of the Malay region the regalia are regarded as wonder-working talismans or 
fetishes, the possession of which carries with it the right to the throne. Among the Tonibas of 
West Africa a miraculous virtue seems to be attributed to the royal crown, and the king sometimes 
sacjifices sheep to it (ibid., p. 124, n. 1). 

II Frazer, Golden Bough, i., 158 sq. ; Landtman, Origin of Priesthood, p. 144 sgg, 
f Landtman, op. eit. p. 144. Divine animals are sometimes treated in a similar way. In ancient 
Egypt, if the sacred beasts could not, or would not, help in emergency, they were beaten ; and if 
this measure failed to prove efficacious, then the creatures were punished with death (Wiedemann, 
JUligian of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 178 ; Idem, Uerodots zweites Buch, p. 428 sq.), 

[ 23 ] 

Vos. 9-10.] 



character of a sacrifice to a pfod.* Moreover, the disease, weakness, or physical 
deterioration of the king might cause his death ; and, owing to the extremely polluting 
effects ascribed to natural death, this would be the greatest catastrophe which could 
happen to the holiness seated in him. The people of Congo believed that if their 
pontiff, the Chitom6, were to die a natural death, the world would perish, and the 
earth, which he alone sustained by his power and merit, would immediately be 
annihilated ; hence, when he fell ill and seemed likely to die, the man who was 
destined to be his successor entered the pontiff's house with a rope or a club and 
strangled or clubbed him to death. f Similar motives may also have induced people 
to kill their divine king after a certain period, as everybody is sooner or later liable 
to fall ill or grow weak and die. But I can also imagine another possible reason 
for this custom. Supernatural energy is sometimes considered so sensitive to external 
influences that it appears to wear away almost by itself in the course of time. I 
have heard from Arabs in Morocco that a pretender's holiness usually lasts only for 
half a year. And it may be that some of the divine kings mentioned by Dr. Frazer 
were exposed to a similar fatality and therefore had to be slain in time. 


Australia. Mathews. 

Social Or^^anlsation of the N^^eumba Tribe, New South Wales. Ill 

By R. H. Mathews. Ill 

In my book. Ethnological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of New South Wales 
and Victoria^ there is given a brief account of the sociology of the Ngeumba tribe, 
in which I reported the existence of certain castes provisionally called Blood and 
Shade divisions. In order to obtain the application of these castes to the social 
organisation of the tribe it wAs necessary to prepare the pedigrees of several families 
to illustrate the laws of intermarriage among the castes as well as the descent 
of the progeny in them. I did not at the time publish the genealogies, because I 
had more than sufficient information to satisfy myself, and I thought it unnecessary 
to do any more. Since the publication of my book and its circulation among the 
ethnologists of England, some of the latter have asked me to furnish these gene- 
alogies, so that scientific men may have an opportunity of forming their own c&n- 
clusions from my observed facts. I am therefore now submitting a table of some 
of the genealogies for publication by the Royal Anthropological Institute in Man. 
{See Table II.) 

Before proceeding with the genealogies it will be desirable very briefly to repeat 
some particulars respecting the cycles and sectional divisions, for the purpose of 
bringing the whole matter togcthor. The following is a synopsis of the Ngeumba 
social divisions : — 

Table I. 


1 Mother. 



1 Fatukb. 




Ngurrtwun - 

( Butha 
( Ippatha - 

- Muiri 

. 1 Kubbi - - - 

Ippai - 



1 Kabbitha - 
1 , Mat ha - 

- ! Ippai 



^ Set Westcrmarck, Origin and Development of the Moral Idea*, i., 443. 
t Frater, Golden Btmgh, ii,, 8. 

[ 24 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 10. 

The women of the tribe are classified into two cycles, Ngnrrawun and Mumbun. 
Each cycle is divided into two sections as above, which reproduce each other in 
perpetual alternation. The totems remain constantly in the same cycle as the women 
and are accordingly transmitted from a mother to her offspring. Besides the fore- 
going divisions, and quite independently of them, there is another bisection of the 
community into Guaigulir and Guaimundhun, which may be rendered Active blood and 
Sluggish blood. There is yet another division of the people into Nhurrai, the shade 
tlirown by the butt or lower portion of a tree, and Winggu, the shade cast by the 
higher branches or the outer margin of the shadow. These divisions are apparently 
an extension of the Blood and Shade castes, and regulate the camping places of the 
natives under umbrageous trees. A Guaigulir is always a Winggu and a Guaimundhun 
is always a Nhurrai. The middle portion of the shadow of a tree is called Waugue 
(see my book, pp. 7 and 8). 

The castes of Blood and Shade are not necessarily coincident with the other 
partitions and repartitions. For example, each cycle, every section and every totemic 
group contains people belonging to the Guaigulir and Guaimundhun Bloods, with 
their corresponding Shades. As regards descent, a Guaigulir mother has a Guaigulir 
family of the Winggu Shade, and a Guaimundhun mother's children take her Blood and 
Shade, just in the same way that an Emu woman's family are Emus like herself. 

The normal and general practice is for each pair of divisions to intermarry : 
A Ngnrrawun marries a Mumbun, a Guaigulir a Guaimundhun, and a Nhurrai mates 
with a Winggu, but these general laws are subject to modifications. Sometimes a 
Ngnrrawun espouses a Ngnrrawun, a Guaigulir marries a Guaigulir, and a Nhurrai 
takes a Nhurrai partner. The only law of the Ngeumba sociology which admits of 
no variation is that the cycles, sections, totems, bloods and shades are transmitted 
through the women only. 

I now add short pedigrees of six couples or twelve married persons belonging 
to the southern portion of the Ngeumba territory. Every one of these persons was 
examined by myself, and I further checked their statements by inquiries from their 
relatives and others who knew them well. I am giving the English names of my 
native informants, so that it will be quite a simple matter for any one to go out and 
<!heck my report. 

Observing Table II. we find all the individuals we are dealing with in the central 
<:olumn. No. 1, Jack Onze, who is an Ippai, and a Guaigulir (contracted to G'lir). 
His wife, No. 1a, Nellie Onze, a Matha and a Guaimundhan (contracted to G'dhun), 
is in the next line. In the next column to the right of Jack and Nellie is their 
child Kubbi, the same Blood and Shade as his mother. On the left of No. 1 is 
Jack Onze's mother, an Ippatha, having the same Blood and Shade as himself. In 
the extreme left-hand column is Jack Onze's father, a Murri and a G-uaimundhun. 
All the other married pairs can be followed at sight in the same way. I have not 
encumbered the table with the Shade of any person, because in every instance yet met 
with a Guaigulir is always a Winggu and a Guaimundhun a Nhurrai. Neither have 
I added the totems, which invariably follow the mother. 

I have adopted what appears to me to be the simplest form of recording a person's 
pedigree, one remove backward and one forward, making three generations, so that 
the merest tyro can understand the table. I have done this for the purpose of 
encouraging station owners, police officers, teachers, and others who have opportunities 
to make further inquiries. If we overwhelm a beginner with elaborate genealogical 
tables he may give the work up, especially if he is not very keen upon it. I am 
desirous of inducing other workers to enter the field of Australian anthropology. 

It will be seen by the following table that although most of the marriages are 
normal or mixed blood, as Guaigulir to Guaimundhun, there are some irregular or 

[ 25 ] 

Nos. 10-U.] 



the same blood. We also notice examples of the well-known varmtions m the int«r- 
marriages of the sections, such as in one case Murri marries Ippatha, in another Butha, 
and in another Matha. Members of the Guaigulir and Guaimundhun Bloods are- 
found indiscriminately in all the sections, and consequently in both the cycles. In- 
all the examples, however, the child takes the Blood caste from the mother. The 
old blacks cannot give a reason for the Blood castes any more than they can give- 
a reason for the divisions into cycles or sections, or for the origin of the totems^ 
Table II. is but a small instalment of the genealogies of the Bloods and Shades 
contained in my note-books, which will perhaps be published on another occasion. 

Table !!• 

Father of Individual. 

Mother of Indiridaal. 

Indiridaal Answering the Queitions. 

Child of Indiridaal. 






Proper Name. 






G*dhun - 
G'dhun - 

Ippatha - 

Glir - 
G'dhun - 



Jack Onze 
Nellie Onze 

Ippai - 
Matha - 

G'dhon - 

Knbbi • 



G*dhan - 

Batha - 

G'dhun • 
G'dhun - 



Tom Draper 
Nanny Draper • 

Ippai - 
Matha - 

G'dhun - 
G'dhan - 

Kobbi - 



Gnir - 
G'dhun - 

Batha • 
Matha . 

Glfr . 
G'dhun - 


Jack Charlton - 
Mary Charlton - 

Ippai - 

Glir - 
G'dhon - 




G'dhun - 
Glir - 

Batha . 

G'dhun - 
G'dhon - 


Tom Keegan 
Norah Keegan - 

Ippai - 
Matha - 

G'dhon - 
G'dhon - 

> Kobbi - 



G'dhun - 

Matha • 

Glir - 



Jack Trip 
Kitty Trap 

Kambo - 

O'Ur . 
G'lir - 

Morri - 



G'dhun - 
G'dhon • 


G'dhon • 
Q'lir - 


Billy Coleman - 

Mary Ann Cole- 

Matha • 

G'dhon - 
G'lir - 

Kobbi - 


An old black fellow once told me that if a Guaigulir man marries a Guaimund- 
hun woman they are not supposed to quarrel with each other ; bat if two persons of 
the same Blood marry, they can quarrel and fight as much as they like, and no one 
will interfere. He said, moreover, that all Guaigulir men are friendly amongst them- 
selves, and the Guaimundhun men have the same mutual bond of friendship, much 
in the way that totems men acknowledge a common tie. R. H. MATHEWS. 



Balfour, Crawley and Others. 

Anthropological Essays presented to Edward Burnett Tylor in Honour of if 
his Seventy-fifth Birthday, October 2,11907. By H. Balfour, A. E. Crawley, II 
D. J. Cunningham, L. R. Farnell, J. G. Frazer, A. C. Haddon, E. S. Hartland, A. Lang^ 
R. R. Marett, C. S. Myers, J. L. Myres, C. H. Read, Sir J. Rh^s, W. Ridgeway, W; H. 
R. Rivers, C. G. Seligmann and T. A. Joyce, N. W. Thomas, A. Thomson, E. Wester- 
marck ; with a bibliography by Barbara W. Freire-Marreco. Oxford : Clarendon Press,. 
1907. Pp. viii + 416. 28 x 19 cm. Price 15*. 

The impression of the present writer, rightly or wrongly, is that a good many 
people in England, if asked, would declare themselves as not very greatly enamoured 
of the Festschrift idea, from which the present volume has sprung. It seems to have 
an air, so to speak, of something non-indigenous, something exotic. Indeed, the notion 
of stringing together at haphazard — ^for this is, after all, the effect of the alphabetic 
order — a number of totally disconnected, one might almost say random, essays oo 

[ 26 J 

1908.] MAN. [No. U. 

anthropology, all of which would probably at some time or other have found their 
way into print elsewhere, does not appear t.o be a course presenting any very great 
advantage. Yet in this case we are constrained to admit that the type, format, and 
general appearance of the volume are worthy of the occasion, that the contents in 
themselves are well calculated to disarm criticism, and reflect the highest credit upon 
the enterprise and ability with which the volume has been edited. 

In these gleanings are associated, as the joint editors say in their preface, ^^ both 
" those who contribute to the volume and others who from lack of opportunity were 
" unable to lay a gift before the greatest of English anthropologists." Whatever 
special reason might be found for entrusting this review to the present writer may be 
due to the fact that he, too, is one of those whose work as an author was encouraged 
and influenced from the first by Tylor. Beipg et the same time one of those men- 
tioned in the preface as prevented from participating in the movement at an earlier 
stage, he is glad nevertheless to have this opportunity of definitely associating himself 

All who have contributed to the volume have given of their best, and the writer 
feels that it would partake of an appearance of ungraciousness were he to attempt to 
criticise in this place work which has so evidently been a labour of love. At the 
same time, in order to obtain from this generous vintage the richest possible yield, 
it may be useful to give a brief descriptive summary of the contents, grouping them as 
far as possible under the general subject headings to which they naturally belong 
and under which they might perhaps have been more profitably arranged. 

Ethnography and Ethnology. — This section contains a carefully considered paper, by Mr. Henry 
Balfour, on ** The Fire- Piston," first as a scientific toy in use in various part« of civilised Europe, 
and secondly as a useful appliance found amidst an environment of lower culture in the East. It 
extends sporadically over a wide area from North Burma and Siam through the Malay Peninsula 
and Malay archipelago to its eastern limiU in the islands of Luzon and Mindanao in the 

One of the most original papers in the collection is that on " The Ethnological Study of Music," 
by Dr. C. S. Myers. The aspects under which the subject is treated are — the " contamination of 
primitive music," " the expressive function of music," the " origin of music," '* rhythm and melody," 
" rhythm and harmony," " fusion," " polyphony," " harmony in primitive music," " styles and social 
function of music," " scales," " equal temperament," " quarter tones," " harmonic intervals in melody," 
*• tonality," " awareness of absolute pitch," and " our attitude towards strange music." An appendix 
on the phonograph follows. 

Mr. J. L. Myres, who, at the beginning of his paper on " The Sigynnse of Herodotus," makes a 
warm acknowledgment of his indebtedness to Tylor, appears here as the champion of Herodotus. 
The paper is planned to deal with seven points mentioned in the passage examined, the first two 
points referring to the geographical position of the Sigynnae, the third and fourth to their supposed 
Median affinities, the fifth the type of pony used by them, the sixth the application of their name 
to pedlars near Marseilles, and the seventh the application of their name by the Cyprians to a 
peculiar spear type. The net result is to justify the statements made by Herodotus.* 

Mr, C. H. Bead in his suggestive paper, " A Museum of Anthropology," sets forth his ideal of an 
anthropological museum, and urges the claims of anthropology to a more generous recognition 
by the Government and the establishment of the long-anticipated anthropological bureau. 

In his paper on " Who were the Dorians 1 " treated first from the point of view of their social 
system and then from that of their physical characteristics, fashion of wearing the hair and shaving 
the upper lip, their disposal of the dead, and, finally, their dialect. Professor Ridgeway adduces cogent 
proof to show that the Dorians differed essentially in race from the Achseans of Homer, whilst they so- 
closely resemble the Illyrians in all the above-mentioned respects that they may be regarded, like the 
Thessalians, as an Illyrian tribe. 

Messrs. Seligmann and Joyce, in " Prehistoric Objects from British New Guinea," treat of obsidian 
implements, stone implements, engraved shells and pottery, all of which are truly prehistoric in the 
sense that in each find objects occur concerning the origin and use of which nothing is known 
by the inhabitants at the present time.* 

* These papers were read at the last meeting of the British Association, and a full abstract has 
already app^tred in Man (1907, 87, 94). 

[ 27 ] 

ITo. U.] MAN. [1908. 

Physical Anthropology. — Professor Cunningham presents us with a critical recension of the 
evidence with regard to the evolution of the cerebral portion of the " Australian forehead," and points 
out the superior advantages of the nasion-inion base-line as compared with the glabella-inion line, 
reinforced by tables of measurements taken from a large number of native skulls. These are compared 
with data taken from Scottish crania. 

Sociology. — The contnbutions on "Australian Problems" by Mr. Andrew Lang (whose generous 
and discriminating tribute to Tylor appears in the forefront of the book), by Mr. Crawley on *' Exogamy 
*' and the Mating of Cousins," by Dr. Rivers on "The Origin of the Classificatory System of 
" Relationships,"* and by Mr. Thomas on *• The Origin of Exogamy," form a group of papers dealing 
with various vexed questions connected with kinship and marriage. 

Religion^ Magic, Folklore. — Dr. Farnell's paper on '*The Place of the Sonder-Gotter in Greek 
Polytheism " contains a destructive criticism of Dr. Usener's theory with regard to the vague 
•transitory limited divinities whom he calls Sonder-Gotter or Augenblick-Gotter.* 

Dr. J. G. Frazer in a most interesting paper on " The Folklore of the Old Testament," deals 
with a few survivals of ancient Semitic paganism, viz., . *' The Mark of Cain," " Sacred Oaks and 
Terebinths," " The Covenant on the Cairn," " Jacob at the Ford of the Jabbok," " The Bundle of 
Life," the prohibition " not to seethe a kid in its mother's milk." " The Keepers of the Threshold," 
and "The Sin of a Census," for which he finds parallels in modern anthropological lore. 

Dr. Haddon, in "The Religion of the Torres Strait Islanders," deals with masked dances, 
magical and otherwise, wood and stone images, totemism (the absence of which in Murray Island 
is noted), omen birds, forms of divination, e.g.^ skull divination for theft among the Murray 
Islanders, spirits of the dead, hero-worship, relation of morality to religion, instruction in ethics 
and conduct, cults of Kwoiara, Sigai, Maiau, and Bomai-Malu, and lastly, the idea that some of the 
hero-tales are nature myths is discussod and disproved. 

Mr. E. S. Hartland, in his paper on " The Rite at the Temple of Mylitta," discusses the sacrifice 
of chastity by every Babylonian woman at that temple. Mr. Hartland explains this rite as a 
puberty ceremony, and suggests that the exogamic rules of the ancient Semites corresponded to 
our tables of the prohibited degrees. 

Mr. Marett's paper, " Is Taboo a Negative Magic ? " contains an attack upon the theory thus 
formulated, which in his opinion cannot be sustained. 

Sir John Rh^, in his paper on "The Nine Witches of Gloucester," concludes that the latter 
may be safely identified as Goidelic sorceresses " who are regarded as enjoying the gift of prophecy 
and prediction." 

Professor Thomson, in "The Secret of the Verge Watch," has demonstrated the fact that the 
•design on the "cocks" (as they are technically called) of these wat<jhes, takes its origin from a 
pattern employed as a charm against the Evil Eye. He deduces from this fact the probability 
•ot the existence of some Italian influence or influences affecting the design. 

Professor Westermarck fitly concludes the text of the volume with a valuable study of a 
particular system of cursing employed among the Moors, under which one person stands to another 
in a certain compulsory relationship or " bond " called L'^r. 

Miss Barbara W. Freire-Marreco's Bibliography is a most painstaking compilation, which adds 
•emphasis to the remarks which here follow. 

The subjects comprised in these studies were, with one or two possible exceptions, 
all treated in Tylor's great pioneer work on Primitive Culture more than a generation 
ago. Since those days they have been developed pari passu with the remarkable 
advance of all other mo<lern sciences. No fact could be more eloquent of the 
<;ommanding position taken by Tylor or of his inspiring influence and example, both 
as a man and a scholar, upon his own and the succeeding generation. 

The work is the best proof possible of the determined mood in which anthropology 
has set herself to enlarge her borders and widen her horizon. In 1871 when the first 
edition of Primitive Culture appeared, the entire fasciculus of subjects here treated 
was dealt with by Tylor in the two epoch-making volumes so familiar to us all. At 
the end of 1907, in the place of the single science we have a group of subjects, each of 
which is a science in itself, and in place of one, a number of authorities, each a 
specialist in his own line. 

Two or three reflections suggest themselves here. In the first place there is 
evidence, afforded by the Festschrift^ of the existence among anthropologists of a 

* These papers were read at the last meeting of the British Association, and a full abstract has 
Ab-eady appeared in Man (1907, 87, 94). 

[ 28 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Kos. U-12. 

central party ready to co-operate and work disinterestedly for the common cause, to 
the exclusion of subsidiary or personal considerations. In the second place there is 
proof of the marvellously rapid and spontaneous growth of anthropology as a branch 
of study. In the third place there is the fact that anthropology, which began with 
the commonly uninspired and uninspiring consideration of isolated facts, has been lifted 
to an altogether higher plane by the comparative study of the leading principles now 
employed in the interpretation of the phenomena observed. In a word, anthro|k)logy^ 
the most absorbing of all studies yet known to man, has breathed the spirit of life into 
the Valley of Dry Bones, and her eyes are lit with the glow of her success, and the- 
promises of victories to be. To have inspired this vitalising movement, and to have 
awakened her to a sense of her great heritage, is the peculiar privilege and merit of 
Edward Burnett Tylor. W. W. SKEAT 

India. Ourdon. 

The Khasis. By Major P. R. T. Gurdon. London: D. Nutt, 1907. lA 
Pp. xxvii + 227. 22 x 14 cm. Price 7*. 6d. ML 

This book is part of a series of publications issued under the auspices of the 
Government of Eastern Bengal and Assam, and is a welcome sign of the interest 
which the Indian authorities now take in anthropological enquiries. The author,. 
Major Gurdon, is himself a district officer in Assam, and holds the post of Director 
of Ethnography in that province. 

The monograph is a most valuable one and displays an intimate acquaintance 
with the Khasi race. Its value is enhanced by the introduction in which Sir Charles 
Lyall, who was formerly Chief Commissioner of Assam and is well acquainted with 
the ethnological and linguistic questions involved, confirms the conclusions formulated 
by Major Gurdon. 

The illustrations are excellent, especially those in colour, mostly portraits of 
typical Khasis from drawings by Miss Scott O'Connor and the late Colonel Woodthorpe, 
and the photographs of the rude stone monuments by the author and others. 

The most important points dealt with relate to the isolation of the Khasi race 
among the surrounding Tibeto-Burman tribes ; to the prevalence of matriarchy 
(including a female priesthood) ; to the religious beliefs, which are mainly animistic 
with a tendency to ancestor worship ; to the prevalent taboos (genna or sang) ; and 
to the erection of monoliths, mainly as memorials of ancestors. 

The Khasis occupy the beautiful hill country which lies round Shillong, the 
capital of Assam, and includes Cherrapunji, celebrated as having perhaps the highest 
rainfall in the world. As members linguistically of the Mon-Khmer family they are 
isolated from the Aryan Assamese and the numerous hill-tribes of Tibeto-Burman 
speech, their nearest neighbours being the Mens of Tennasserim and Pegu and the 
Khmers of Cambodia. The investigations of Logan, carried further by Kuhn, have, 
as Sir C. Lyall points out, established a connection between this Mon-Khmer group 
and the Munda languages of Chutia Nagpur and the Central Provinces of India, and 
now the work of Father Schmidt has opened out a long vista of further possibilities. 
His theories seem to be accepted as sound by the best authorities, and Dr. Grierson 
considers that Father Schmidt has amply proved his case. In his review of Schmidt's 
" Die Mon-Khmer Volker, ein Bindeglied zwischen Volkern Zentralasiens und Austro- 
nesiens " in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for January 1907 he gives a 
full account of the Austric theory as he names it (following Schmidt's " Austrisch "), 
accompanied by a map. 

Briefly speaking. Father Schmidt claims to have established the existence of a 
chain of related languages beginning as far north as Kanawar in the North-west 
Himalaya through Central India and Assam, the Nicobars, Burma, and Cambodia to 

[ 29 ] 

ITos. 12-18.] MAM. [1908. 

the Malay Peninsula, and this group he calls the Austro-Asiatic. He further claims to 
have shown that an essential identity exists between the languages of this group and 
those which he includes under the title of Austronesian (comprising Indonesian, 
Melanesian. and Polynesian), and gives this united family the name of Austric. As 
far as the Austro-Asiatic group is concerned Schmidt also holds that there is a 
unity of race as well as of language, and considers that a race with characteristics 
neither Aryan nor Mongolian is clearly established. He does not at present assert 
that this unity of race extends through his Austronesian group, and even as far as 
regards the Austro-Asiatic group most anthropologists will probably consider that the 
materials available are not as yet sufficient to warrant the adoption of a definite 
opinion. It is here that the value of such a monograph as this of Major Gurdon's 
on the Khasis becomes apparent. The Khasis form one of the most important links 
in the chain connecting the Munda and Himalayan tribes with those of Further India 
and the Malay Peninsula, and it will probably be considered that Major Gurdon's 
descriptions and drawings are on the whole confirmatory of Schmidt's theory. 

It may be added that the book contains a valuable chapter on folklore, and several 
legends and nature myths are given in the original Khasi with translations. These 
•are so interesting as to deserve a separate notice, and it may be hoped that Major 
Gurdon will see his way to publishing a further instalment of the materials he has 
collected. Altogether this is one of the most complete and satisfactory monographs 
•on an Indian tribe which has appeared for many years, and it is especially important 
:at the present time when its bearing on the Austric theory is considered. 


Africa, East. Piilleborn. 

Das Deutsche Njassa- und Ruwuma-Gebietj Land und Leute nehst Bemer- iQ 
'hnngen iiher die Schire- Lander, Von Dr. Friedrich Fiilleborn. Berlin : lU 
Dietrich Reiraer (Ernst Vohsen), 1906. One Vol. and Atlas. Pp. xx + 636. 118 
plates. 28 X 19 and 44 x 31 cm. Price 125 marks. 

Dr. Fiilleborn went to Africa in 1897 as medical officer to the German Imperial 
Police and remained there for three years, taking part in the expeditions against the 
Wangoni (1897) and Wahehe (1898), and later on, as zoologist, in the Heckmann- 
Wenzel scientific research expedition. The volume before us gives a very readable 
account of the author's journey from Lindi to Lake Nyasa and from the Lake to Chinde, 
via Shire and Zambesi, as well as a very full account of the tribes to be found in the 
southern part of German East Africa. Free use has been made of the material already 
published in the Physischc Anthropologie dcr Nord-Njassatdnder^ but undue techni- 
cality has been avoided, and the matter included is sufficiently interesting to the general 
reader, while by no means " popular " in the sense of being superficial or inaccurate. 
Dr. Fiilleborn has supplemented his own observations with an imposing array of literature 
— English and German (some of the latter less known in this country than it deserves) 
— of which careful and critical use has been made. The chapter-headings may serve to 
indicate the scope of the book : " The German Rovuma Territory " (f.e., the north bank 
of that river)—" Ungoni " (viz., the country between 35° and 36° E. and 10° and 11° S., 
•occupied by the Northern Angoni or Magwangwara) — " Uhehe, Ubena, and Usangu " 
(forming the plateau to the north-east of Lake Nyasa) — " The Konde Country " — " The 
Nyasa and the German Lake-Shore '' — " The Livingstone Mountains " — " The Region 
between the Konde Country and Lake Rukwa " — " Native Methods of Hunting and 
Fishing in German East Africa." The personal narrative already mentioned is 
"Confined to the first and last chapters. The authorities cited are indicated in the 
footnotes by numbers corresponding to a list at the end of each chapter — a plan which 
-strikes us as particularly convenient. It is impossible to discuss a work of this calibre 

[ 30 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nob. 13-14. 

in a notice like the present, but a few points which strike us may find room here. 
The Wamachinga (p. 46) are certainly a branch of the Yao — one of the five whose 
names were given to Mr. R. S« Hynde (by a Domasi native ?) : Machinga, Mangoche, 
Masaninga, Namataka, Makale. Archdeacon Johnson calls the ^^ Amakali *' ^^ the 
Wayao proper." Dr. Fulleborn does not mention the settlement of the Wamachinga 
along the Upper Shire, under Mponda and other chiefs. P. Adams calls them and the 
Amalamba the aborigines of the Lindi hinterland. This is the sole reference to the 
latter tribe which Dr. Fulleborn has come across ; but we find their name in " the fords 
of Amaramba " (marked in the maps as '^ Amaramba Lake " on the upper Lujenda), 
by which the Alolo are said to have invaded the Machinga (see Nyasa News, February, 
1894, p. 77). The Makua language is said (p. 52) to be " Hochst eigenartig, und weicht 
stark von den anderen Bantudialekten ab." Surely some notice should have been taken 
of its remarkable phonetic correspondences with Sechuana, on which so much stress 
has been laid by Father Torrend. A few families of Wamatengo (p. 128), who 
accompanied the Angoni return migration southward, are now settled in Nyasaland, 
west of the Shire. 

With regard to the Zulu head-ring (see note, p. 152) I should like to add that 
the Angoni form (at least that used by Chekusi's Angoni in the Kirk Mountains) is 
plaited, having the appearance of a basket-work crown, instead of the smooth polished 
ring, about an inch in diameter, which is worn by the Zulus of the south. Mabrusi, 
an induna of Chekusi's, whom I saw in 1894, told me that his ring was made of ox 
sinews (which agrees with Dr. Fiilleborn's information) and covered with beeswax. 
The head-ring of Natal Zulus, I have always understood, is of plaited grass, and the 
black matter covering it (which takes a dull polish ; a bright one, like the shining jet 
black rings of the Delagoa Bay natives, is considered " bad form ") is made from the 
gum secreted by a certain insect to be found on mimosa trees. A Natal Zulu (in a 
letter received some years ago) says, it is true : " Zulu head-rings, too, are made of 
usinga Iwenkomo (ox sinews), like those of the Angoni." I do not know whether this 
indicates a difference of practice, or refers merely to the sinews as used for stitching the 
grass ring to the hair. Many interesting notes might be made on the Konde folk-tales 
given in pp. 334-8. One (p. 335), which the author calls " psychologisch recht 
unverstandlich," occurs in a more intelligible form in Duff Macdonald (" The Three 
Women," ii, 198), and again in Junod {Chants et Conies des Baronga : " La Route du 
Ciel "). But, indeed, the key to the puzzle is supplied at the end of the paragraph by the 
sentence ^^£ine hiibsche Variante dieses Miirchens erziihlt Missionar Nuuhaus unter 
dem Titel ' Frau HoUe im Kondelande.^ " Besides the splendid atlas of plates and maps 
supplied with the book there are over 200 woodcuts in the text, mostly of great interest. 
We may mention in particular the series showing keloid patterns on pp. 77-83. 


Amerioa. Priederioi. 

Skalpieren und dhnliche Kriegsgebrauchc in Amerika. Inaugural Disser- MM 
tation zur Erlangung der Doktorwurde der Philosophischen Fakultdl der IT 
Universitdi Leipzig. Von Georg Friederici. Braunschweig : Friedrich Vieweg und 
Sohn, 1906. Pp. 172. 23 x 15 cm. Price 5 marks. 

The author of this monograph holds the rank of captain in the German army, as 
well as his doctor's degree from Leipzig, and is already well known for his studies of 
cavalry methods and of Indian subjects, for which latter he has had the advantage of 
extended residence and travel in the United Stales in au official capacity. The present 
paper on scalping and kindred practices is the most important that has yet appeared 
on the subject, including in its scope both continents, but with special attention to the 
United States and Canada. 

[ 31 ] 

Nob. 14-15.] MAN. [1908. 

After some notice of the practice in ancient times he summarizes the earliest 
references to the custom as observed by the first explorers along the Atlantic coast, the 
first definite mention being by Cartier on the St. Lawrence in 1535. 

Contrary to the general supposition he finds that the practice of scalping, so far 
from being general in North America at the beginning of the historical period, was 
confined to an area stretching approximately from the mouth of the St. Lawrence 
south-west to about the mouth of the Mississippi, and occupied chiefly by tribes of 
Irroquoian and Muskogian stock. It was absent from New England, from the interior 
and the plains regions, the Pacific coast and the Columbia, the Canadian North-West 
and the Arctic territories, and was unknown anywhere south of the United States, 
excepting in a portion of the Chaco of South America. Outside of the scalping area 
the ordinary trophy was the head, the trophy cult having its highest development in 
the tropics. 

The rapid spread of the scalping practice over the greater portion of the continent 
within the historic period he ascribes to the introduction of firearms and to the 
encouragement given in the shape of scalp bounties by the rival colonial governments, 
and he quotes ^calp prices from King Philip's war in 1675 down to the Piute 
troubles in Idaho in 1865. Under such stimulus both warriors and bordermen became 
scalp hunters from the Atlantic to the Pacific. In western Indian custom the coup 
was always of more importance than the scalp. 

Considerable space is devoted to a description of war trophies of human skin, teeth, 
skulls, hands, &c., particularly in southern Mexico and Yucatan. The accompanying 
bibliography includes almost every important title in American ethnology, and a valuable 
map makes the whole argument clear at a glance. JAMES MOONEY. 


The King has been pleased, on the recommendation of the Secretary for Scotland, i|^ 
to approve the appointment of a Royal Commission to make an inventory of the III 
ancient and historical monuments and constructions connected with or illustrative of the 
contemporary culture, civilisation, and conditions of life of the people in Scotland from 
the earliest times to the year 1707, and to specify those which seem worthy of pre- 
servation. The Commission is to consist of the following persons : — The Right Hon. 
Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart. (Chairman), the Hon. Lord Guthrie, Professor G. Baldwin 
Brown, Mr. Thomas H. Bryce, M.D., Mr. Francis C. Buchanan, Mr. W. T. Oldrieve, 
Mr. Thomas Ross, and Mr. A. O. Curie (Secretary to the Society of Antiquaries), as 

The Sixteenth International Congress of Americanists will be held at Vienna from 
September 9th to September 14th next. The main subjects to be discussed will be 
the Aboriginal races and the monuments and archajology of America, and the history of 
its discovery and occupation. A number of invitations have been sent to the Institute 
for distribution, and persons desiring to be present are requested to communicate with 
the Secretary, 3, Hanover Square, W. 

The death is announced of Mr. George M. Atkinson on January 21st. He was a 
Fellow of very long standing, having been elected in 1874, was a constant attendant 
at the meetings of the Institute, and hud been a member of its Council. His loss 
will be greatly felt. 

Dk. \V. H. R. Rivers left in December for the Solomon Islands, where he is proposing 
to study the sociology of the natives. 

Pnntcd by Eybe and Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 

Plate C. 

Man, igoH. 







[No. 16. 

Bif Iktron Anatolc if^ 


Solomon Islands. With Plate C. 

Decorateei Maces from the Solomon Islands. 

voH lliigvL 

Cambridge has been fortimalf? in arquiriiig reuetitly some uotewortbj additians 
for itr^ alreiiily important Mcrie?* of inlaid ohjet'ts from the Solomon Ir^lands, for whicli 
tlu' University is indebted to Frofespor Bevan, the generous donor wlio presented the 
magnificent pair of shields described and figured in Man, 1906, 21 (Plate C). Among 
these recent accc?isiont4, two exeeptionally fine examples of ehicfj^ macoa deHe^^*' 
>|»eeial mention : 

One (Pb C\ Fig. 1) of bestntifnl workman^inp» has the ?^haft eutirelj encni.Mud 
with pearl shell, each of its fourteen facets hearing a band of nixteen tdosclj E*et, oblong, 
|dates with nicked upper and lower edges, which, oti the bobbin-shaped haiidle-eml, so 
thiit the inlay may follow the contours of the wai^t, are replaced by plates of an 
elongate triangular form with nicked base;?, ^et, point to point, along either slope in 
two rows of eleven plates each. Small oblong plates, 
set homon tally, form three tnarginal bands : one Iwlow 
the neck U composed of a double row, and two single 
rows form margins to the handle-end, the Hut base of 
which bears a shell roundel with serrated edge. The 
ghid't above the inlay is closely hound with plaited strands 
of ^^\\l fane ; and the omamenfal wicker work covering 
of the oval stone-head shows a pattern oF fonr iozeuge- 
shaped panels (Fig. 1 ).* Dimensions : total length, 
400 mm, ; greatest diameter of shaft, 26 nun., of itt* Imse, 
25 mm. ; length and breadth of bead, TA mm. X 43 mm. 

The . second example (PL C, Fig. 2), in which 
llie atone head is missing, or possibly^ was never 
fitted to the shaft, shows the provision made for itn 
secure attachment in two transverse perforations of ) ( 
section, which |>ieree the upper eml of the shaft on 
opposite faeci^, abont L} inches apart. The shaft, which 
is lesB carefully finished than thai of the first ^xaniple, 
is richly decorated with shell-plates. These inelnde 
a large nurnher of distinct forms, viz. : triangular 
(resembling hoth barbed and tanged, and cuHped arrow- 
lieads) pointed-oval. Innate, ohlong, and others of more 
ulaborate and nnnsnal design — not unlike the letters M 
and N, These jdates are set in ten longitiidituil hands (cloven, if one unmbering but 
four platens is included, though ihis obviously fills a gap left by irregidar setting of 
the inlay (PL C, Fig. 2b), All the hands, nnmhcring from fourteen to seventeen 
plates, begin and end with a triangular plate pointing ontwanls. Eight of the^e 
hands show a single row of phUes, and two, starting single from the haiMlle en<l, 
idiange into double row^s : one in the last but one row (after the first plate, cliiefiy 
composed of luiuUes, which pattern is not used elsewhere) shows three plates in the 
pennltinjatc row ; and the other becomes danble after the stxtli plate, antl is made up 
of M's and N's. This pair of wider bands marks the sides of the uiace, over which the 
bandle^ma^ks protnide (PI, C, Figs, 2a and 2h). The cylindrical and faintly facetteil 

• According tn SchmettR and Krauee, tbc pojnl on tb«* \ ei\*\ is prrnlun.-^l by ulUobiip^ a -mall 
lump of Haic tn tbc rrnwn of the enc]cise«t pebble, (OiraimjNn Muji0*H.m Gtniejfftotfy p. fli.) 

I 33 ] 

Vot. 16-17 J 



ftmloa b^iiifr «l«rkfld ^ lop aftJ bouom, bjr ft d^p etkemMmg ftoove. TW 

In ft pftir of bnniftft hmmiIm 0«t hmek u* bftek, whicb ftte Mentkftl ift thmtmetm 
ft pcenUftrilj in ft etmemre cftr-likc pmjeetmi 4MI ettJier side ol tks jftw, 
TfftfiM of ro«iir« btre ftnd in the bolkm €i tfan ftfes, bftar erideBce tbrn tbe 

lsftft41iM»fi4« liefrire hftTtppr tieen mbhed down hj wesTt ^>ore deeoratiTe iiJftr, A 
I Unuin fgrmrtis m\jf>tti iIm! fr^rehtsad iodioUeii the lifttr or iome kind ol beftd-coTenni^ 
pfKtg* 2>. Dimeiififofii* : totftl length, 401 mnu ; greftieit diftntetcr of dtftft^ 31 mm.; 
tMtd if:n^th of h«nclJr-, 85 mm. : hroiultii ftrro«« haftd^ 50 nniu 

Tlif.««« niftr^n w^e purehaned wiiboot dftia in 1907, ni ft London snle ; bni I0 jndgm 

tij tfaeif illftfineliTo ornftmentftlion^ it »e€ni» probftble Ihftt thej cnme from dii«rent 

iplAiifJu. If wft may judge by the very mamll nitmber to be foond in iToUectkms* 

^bb form of mace ean ciever Uavts lieen eonunon, for their benaiy i« sore to bsTO 

ftitraet^Hl ftttonttont I'otiibly the^ few examples, of which the exact origin is only 

known in one instance, may prove to be the «iole 
ije!4ceiidaiit« of an earlier form of ston^heftded weapon 
— f^arvivals which l>efore collector? reached the i^lands^ 
had lheni»tjlve» fallen into desuetude. However ihiti 
may l>c, it does not aeem probable that such elaborately 
dccorfited wcajiond had ever l>een nnmerous, or that any 
fiut persons of rank would be allowed to carry them. 
I can only trace the foUowiug ^ix other examples ; — 

1, Xjoudon^ Hritinh Museum : one (headlesii), not 
unlike Cambridge specimen No* L No particulars. 
Edgr^FnrtimjfoiCM Aihum, 8. I, PI. 206, Fig, 8. 

2, 3. DrcBdon, Museum Go*let!roy : two, one with 
facetted, inlaid handle-end : and one plain-shafted, 
curved with a doulile liiinian-fipire tcrminiil* From 
Miiliiytiu Sclimeifz ami Kr^tttse^ Cat, Mas. Godeffrvtj^ 
1881* PL 20, Fig^. 6 and 7. 

*i-6. Sydney : three, two with widely f*et shell 
inliiy (one with creHcent-ahapfd handle-eud), No 
particulnrrt. Univen*ity (Maeleiin) Museum ; and one 
of dist^i't typo, with plain i«liaft ending iu a human 
l»ciid imiiid with white sholh No pjirlirulari^. Austrn- 
linn Muscunu Edtfc-Partinfftoii's AH/nm, 8. Ill, VL H4, 
no, 2, Kig*^* 1, 2, mid X ANATOLE \UK HUGEL, 

Mexico : Archeeolog-y. Breton. 

ArohftftolOify In IMoxico. % A, Breion. i*l 

Within live lant l\'w ycarr* f<omc iiiiportftnt di!*eoverie8 liave been made in If 
Me:cicuu HnOia»ol(»^y* and ji brief nolo ou them nuiy interest tho«e who look forward to 
the time when thn iiucicnt history of thii AmericHu continent will take its rightful 
place in the world of HCtenee* At present, the 8matl band of workers in this Held can 
do lit lie, although every little helps. Rocruits are badly wanted, and, i^eeiug the 
faiioiiuuiou id* ihe j^ubjccr, they should he forthcoming. 

In the city of Mexico, dtinu^ the excavations necessary for the great drainage 
iiyatem^ vimt fpianiitie^ of objects were found gevenU metres below the surface of the 
atrci»t of K*c«Uni!la!*, near the site of one of the principal ancient temples, and of 
iho nimicru calhodraL Thoit^ wciv bcadn and tiguriue:^ of jadeite and other polisheil 

[ 34 ] 



[No. 17. 

tftonegf paiiiteil pottery (itiRlutluig beautiful censers^ euvered witli gym bo lie designs)^ 
chert daggers and laiice-heads^ ear, iioso, and breast am am en ts of thin gold plate&i 
aud various archaic stone beafls and .statties. A large altar wiib reJiefi* of skulls 
atid crosslKiuea was also fou!jd and ii* now in tbe museum, Leopoldo Batros, tlio 
GovernmenI Iiisipeetor of Ruins, superintended these excavutiouii and published an 
iltuetratod report. 

In 1902 Senor BatreH excavated part of the great temple-fortress on Monte 
AlbaUf near Oaxaca^ and found many sculptured stonea, menhirs^ and some with 
hieroglyphs of a type distinct from those of Central America* A report of this 
was published by the Mexican Government, which has become very energetic as re- 
gards the country'js antiquities. It is now spending large sums on excavations at 

Teotihuacan is the be^t known of ancient Mexican sites, being only an hour by 
train from tbe capital. The principal features are the two great pyramids, called of 
the Sun and Moon, the former facing the centre of the ** Street of the Dead/* the 
jatter at the far end, and the Ciiidadela which is apparently a temple-fortress some- 
what similar to that on Monte Alban. 
The pyramid of the sun is about 
■66 metres high, 232 metres wide at 
the base on the north and f^outh 
sides, and 224 met res wide from east 
to west. The ** north " side faces 
several degrees nortli-east. Trees 
aad buslie.s had grown over the great 
moiiird in the course of centuries, 
for the outer layer of masonry wa;* 
stripped off when tbe many villag</s 
and towns in tbe neigbbourliood 
were huilt by tbe Spanitud.*** Not 
only has the vegetation now been 
cleared away, but Sefior Batres 
stateH fliMt lie •* ha8 removed 
** 7 meJres in tbirkness froni the 
^* north and e»otitli sides and I'GO 
" metres from the east and west 
" sides/' The effect of this Inis 
been to render the angles of the 
three terraces which form the 
pyramid much more obtuse than 
riirmerly (Fig. 1 ). 

iSefior Batres says that tbo pyramid w^as constructed of adobes^ covered 
V>y three thick coats, eacli consisting alternately of clay and atone* The coat 
which will now remain visible, has been repaired and cemented. It is of partially 
shaped stones set more or less in rows, and formed into sections by perpendieular 
straiglit rows. It was obviously never intended to be a surface coat, and here and 
there are outstanding buttresses whieb helped to snstaia the great outer coat of 
masonry. A shaft is to be sunk from the summit down the middle of the interior. 
On the south side a long court separates the pyramid from a wide raised platform. 
This luis, at its youth-west comer, remains of a ehamltered dwelling, probably of the 
priests. On tbe west side, portions of minor stairways and tlireo snnill temples have 
been found, but most of the stones are gone which belonged to the main stairway. 
-Great quantities of labrets aud ear ornaments have l>een found, especially on the top 

[ 35 ] 

/•h>j(o. A, &rt^m, mod. 

Fig. K— house ok the priests ano a.w, corner of 


No. 17.] 



of the pyramitl, also some sciilpfurotl stones atul a remarkalile male torso. The 
temples which border the Street of the Dead, something after the fashion of thone 
m ibe Roman Fonim, are now being uncovered. One in particular is extraordinary for 
the way in whirh it has been altered and atlded to, at* the additions conceal painted 
stucco walU, ar»d one wall ha?j been painted three time** with diMercnt frescoes, of 
which parts remain, one over the other. 

Herr Teobert Maler has ma4le several expeditions for the Poabodj Mnneuni sii 
Harvard into the difficult and little-known country on the border;^ of Chiapa? and 
<Tuatemala, and the two volumes of hit* report on the ruin^ have been pubhshed V^y 
that museum. The photographs give an excellent idea of the very high stage of 
art which hatl been reached in that di^sitrict, shown in the niagnificenl reliefs on 

the stele. 

Id Yucatan 200 
ruins have now been 
catalogued, all of them 
buildings constructed 
*^f cut ftone and with 
;:ood architecture. Hut 
t<carcely anything has 
been done in the way 
of scicntiiic excavation 
ol tlie innitraerahle 
fuotnaLs. Acaneeh, a 
inall town an hour 
soutli-west from Merida 
I >y t rai n , posses sed 
three or four ancient 
mounds about 40 feet 
high. (h»e of these 
1 1 ad been used as a 
<|uarry until a year 
ago, when the des- 
troyers, having worked 
across the top, came 
upon the last retnain- 
ing face of a hiiildhig 
wliich was covered 
with painted reliefs in 
stucco. This is near- 
ly at the top of the 
mound. At some 
period the reliefs had 
been whitewashed, the 
space in front tilled 
with rough stones np 
to a few inches frotn 
the wall, antl then earth and lime dnst thrown in to make all scdid. On renmving 
this, a length of U) feet of wall appeared, with a band of reliefs in panels, 
surmounted hy a cortiice with a symbolic design and another border below. Each 
of the twenty-one panels contains a symbolic bird or a fiuain* hybrid beast, done 
with the gre»tes.t skill in very Idgh relief, and paii»ted in colours mi a red ground 
(Fig. 2). The nifWed breasts of the birds are ciiriouslv given hv means of quantiticf* 

[ :fi ] 




[Nob. 17-18. 

of chipped flukoB of emtttlHue limestone wiiii4» stAiul out from rbe cement (Fig. 3),'*' 
Tlii.s wall is tuerely the outer wall of some I'uiieral cluiuabers which appear to have 
formed the julerior of what wai^ tlie highest terratie of the pyramid, Ttiere are other 
funeral cliarnliers lovvrr down on I lie linlf-dustrored side. 

Another mouml at Aeancch was also being destroyed when they eame on a 
fuueral ehamber at the top. It contained liones of a man and woman and jars and 
plates of painted pottery, Be- 
\o\v thU appeared the origi- 
nal core of the mound, which 
luul been covered with 
abont 20 foet in lhickne8» of 
rough stone!*. Thif* core was 
covered with eemerrt, a ter- 
raced pyramid, with gigantic 
fitncco faeei? in relief. Two 
of the^e are vij^ible on the 
recently ilestroye^l side, luit 
the Htucco goon fallw with 
exposure to air arid rain. 
They are in the .^ame >tyk* 
as the cotoHt^al head at 
Issamal. It h quite po^&^ible 
that some of the tifty-nine 
mounds at Ake contain i^onie- 
thing similar. Unfortunately, 
whilst the Government pre- 
vents any exploration by 
foreignersi, it cannot prevent 
destruction by owners of 
proj>erty^ Bur by time and 
weather. That the ancient 
folk built well is shown by 
the fact that after at least 
400 years of desertion i»o 
much remains in good con- 
dition at Lahna, Uxmal, iintl 

Chichen, The casual fouriKt may coiiaider them comparatively modern, but no one 
will do so who has reallv studied them. ADELA BRETON, 


Australia. Van Qennep, 

Questions Ausirallennes (11). Btf A. mn Gemtep, lA 

Tar le.s tioiurt de M. Nun Luunhardi vit'ui de paraitre a Franefortt un volume III 

siir les Aurttraliens Centranx cpti coutirme plusitiiir? theories que j*ai exposees ailleure*! 

Ce volume ne eontient eneore i|U*nne faible pnrtie de nniteriaux reeueillis par M. 

Strehlow, Tun des missiointire^ de la st^ition de Hcrmannsbnrg, et qui connait a fond 

• The writer removed the aatouebeti 8tonee» aatl earth tnum this corner, aad found that the msarcr 
port seea in the photograph wu^ a mass of hr^^ccia^ which tipjyitrentlY cniit4i.iiiecl hfiaiau dust. Attliough 
yerfdrj^ the breccia was hard to break up, and the peculiar dust was mixed with titonca, witti ao 
trafce t}t burial or crtsmation. 

•f 0, Sirehlow, /?/> Ar^n^ht' uhH lAtritju-Stammr m Z(*fttritl'^AuMtrali^n, L Teil. J. Bacr et 
Cic, 1UU7. la irnirk;*. 

J Mythtu et JJ^en^ei tP AHfit$itlu\ 190ti; Qutttions Andraliemtett, MAJI, 1907, 16, 

[ 37 1 

ITo. 18.] MAN. [190& 

les dialects arunta, luritja, et dieri.* Ces materiaux sont publics par M. von LeoDhardi, 
auquel on doit d'avoir pouss^ M. Strehlow k s'enquerir avec une miniitie de plus en 
plus grande de la vie mentale et sociale des Australiens. M. von Leonhardi reserve 
pour un volume ulterieur les renseignements sur les churinga (ici ^crit tjurunga) ; 
mais 11 indique, heureusement, dans la Preface du present fascicule quelques-uns des 
rdsultats g^ueraux dont on est sur actuellement. II y a lieu, en outre, de noter, que les 
bruits qui circulaient sur la mauvaise quality des materiaux fournis par Spencer et 
Gillen n'ont aucune raison d'etre : ils provenaient d^une interpretation bative de docu- 
ments dus aussi \i, M. Streblow et public par N. W. Tbomas, Folk-Lore^ 1905, et 
par M. von Leonbardi, Globus^ 1907, XCI, p. 285 sqq., et XCII, p. 123. La lecture 
des textes et des notes du fascicule I, comme celle de la Preface, prouve qu'on avait 
exager6. On plutot, les premiers renseignements fournis par M. Strehlow etaient 
inexact s dans le detail : plus il a approfondi ses enquetes, mieux s'est montree la con- 
cordance entre la r^alit^ et la majorite des renseignements de Spencer et Gillen. Pour- 
tant certaines de leurs affirmations tombent : Alcheringa par exemple ne signifie pas 
Epoque du Reve ou Temps du Reve^ mais Epoque ou les altjirangamitjina (ancetres 
tot^miques) erraient par le monde ; les speculations de quelques th^oriciens sur la 
" pbilosophie arunta " perdent done tout support. De mSme le mot altjira n'est par un 
nom propre, mais il designe uns classe d'etres doues de puissance et en general des 
qualltes que poss^dent les " Ancetres du temps de TAlcberinga " de Spencer et Gillen. 

Voici maintenant celles de mes theories qui se trouvent confirmees. 

1°. Les Ancetres Mjtbiques descendent sous terre, mais iCy meurent pas: ils en 
sorlent la nuit, pour se reincorporer dans leurs corps ant^rieurs, les churinga {tjurunga) ; 
comme jeTobjectais k M. Lang (Man, 1907, 16, p. 23) il n'y a pas, dans les mythes 
et l^gendes arunta, correlation entre descendre sous terre et mourir. De Fanalyse des 
textes de M. Streblow il ressort en outre, que c'est bien la puissance des Ancetres 
qui demeure sous terre, ou dans les rochers, etc. 

2°. J^avais pretendu que les Australiens Centraux out elabore une sorte de biologic 
et de physiologic : " parmi les processus d'ordre biologique, celui de la reproduction a 
" du les int^resser et leur suggerer des theories pr6-scientifiques." Dans sa Preface, 
M. von Leonhardi confirme cette opinion : les enfants se font, suivant les Arunta et 
les Luritja, de plusieurs mani^res : 

1°. " Un germe infantile {ratapa\ qui reside dans les Ancetres Mythiques 
descendus sous terre, p^netre dans le corps d'une femme qui passe : les 
enfants ainsi procrees out le visage 6troit." 

2°. " Un Ancetre sort de terre et jette un petit rhombe sur une femme ; le rhombe 
pdnetre dans la femme et sV transforme en enfant : ces enfants ont le 
visage large." 

3^. '* V>i\ Ancetre p^iietre lui-meme dans une femme, puis renait sous forme 
d^enfant ; il ne pent renaitre ainsi qu\me seule fois : ces enfants ont les 
cheveux clairs." 

Les Luritja, voisins des Aruntit, ont les mSme croyauces, d'aprcis les articles cit^s 
du Globus. 

Ainsi se trouve ^tablie une fois de plus rexistence, choz les Australiens Centraux, 
de la croyance a la lucina sine concubitu. Elle Ta et^ aussi pour les Larrekiya de 
la cote Nord par M. Basedow,! pour les Euahlayi de la Nouvelle Galles du Sud 

* On rcmarqucra des diffdreiices, en g(jn<Jral pen considerables, dans I'orthographe des mots 
australiens chez Spencer et Gillen et chez Strehlow ; beaucoup plus importants sont les dclaircisse- 
ments et les discussions philologiques et s^mantiques qui assurent Tintelligence des mythes et Ij6gende8 
dont est formd le pr^nt volume. 

t Trans, Royal Soe,, South Anstralia^ 1906, p. 4, d'aprl» M. von Leonhardi. 

[ 38 ] 

1908.] xMAN. [No, 18. 

par M®. K. L. Parker,* pour certains Australiens de TOuest par Mrs. Bates,! comme 
ello Tavait ete pour les tribus de Queensland par W. E. Rotb. II j aurait done 
mauvaise grace \i pretend re quMi s^agit Ik d^opinions isolees ou anormales. Si ces 
memos opinions n'ont pas 6te relevees par M. Howitt pour le tribus du Sud et Sud- 
Est, cela peut tenir, soit k co que M. Howitt n'a pas fait d'euquetes sur ce point, 
soit k ce que ces tribus, manifestement en voie de transformation profonde (M. Howitt 
m'a affinn^ h nouveau ceci recemment), ont abandonn6 leurs propres theories pour 
accepter celle des Blancs, tout aussi absurde, d'apr^s laquelle c'est le pere seul qui a 
le pouvoir do procreation. 

3^ J'avais, dans Particle cite, indique que c'est la th6orie sur la generation, mais 
lion la theorie r^incarnationiste, qui constitue selon moi le probleme interessant ; et 
j'ajoutais : " la theorie reincarnationiste n'est que Tune des explications demi-civilisees 
" du proces physiologique et biologique." C'etait, par contre-coup, mettre au second 
rang des opinions sur lesquelles M. Frazer a fonde sa theorie nouvelle de Forigine 
du totemisme.J Or dans Globus^ XCI, p. 289, se trouve un passage de M. Strehlow 
qui donne raison k M. Frazer, passage dont M. Lang a mis en relief toute la portee 
theorique.§ Par malheur M. Strehlow s'etait trompe, ou plutot mal exprime. M. von 
Leonbardi lui ayant ecrit a ce sujet, M. Strehlow lui r^pondit en modifiant dans un 
sens tout autre le renseignement : ^^ Quand une femme, au cours de ses peregrinations, 
" aper9oit un kangourou, lequel disparait ensuite subitement, et qu'au meme moment 
" elle ressent les premiers symptomes de la grossesse, c'est qu'un ratapa-kangourou 
*'*' a p^n^tre en elle, mais non pas ce kangourou lui-m^me, lequel etait en rcaliti^ un 
" Ancetre-kangourou sous forme animate. De meme, si une femme trouve des fruits de 
" lalitja et qu'apres en avoir beaucoup mange, elle se sente mal a Taise, c'est qu'un 
" fruit de lalitja a penetre en elle par la hanche — mais non pas par la bouche. 
" Ces deux cas rentrent done dans la premiere des categories citees, c'est-k-dire, qu'un 
" ratapa penetre dans la femme qui passe ii cote d'un lieu totemique" (okfianikilla 
de Spencer et Gillen). Autrement dit, il n'y a pas reincarnation proprement dite de 
TancStre totemique, mais simple transfert de la force vitale de I'ancetre. Dans les deux 
premieres categories en effet, la force vitale de Tancetre a pour vehicule soit le germe 
(ratapa\ soit le rhombe ; et la reincarnation n'est que I'une d'entre les formes admises 
du processus de la generation. 

Bien mieux, elle n'est meme pas admise generalemeut comme telle. Voici ce 
qu'&rit M. von Leonbardi : " Quelgues uns affirmerent^ et les vieillards jinxrent par 
" admettrc cette opinion, que dans de rares cas un altjirangamitjana (Anc6tre 
" mythique totemique) penetre lui-m^me dans la femme " ; je souligne les restrictions. 
On a rimpression quo c'est sur les instances de M. Strehlow, pouss6 k faire cette 
enquete par M. von Leonbardi, que les Arunta reconnurent la possibilite de la proci-^a- 
tion par le precede reincarnationiste. On peut se demander s'il n'y a pas un suggestion 
tie I'enqueteur sur les enquetes. 

Quand bien meme cette croyance serait vraiment courante et indigene, elle n'en 
resterait pas moins comme I'une seulement des explications d'ordre pr^scientifique 
de la generation, ce qui interdit de baser sur elle une theorie generale comme celle 
do M. Frazer. 

4°. De meme qu'ils possMent une biologic rudimentaire, les Australiens ont eiabor^ 
une serte d'antlu*opologie. C'est du moins ce qui semble ressortir : 1°. de la legende 
des enfants a la peau claire et des enfants it la peau sombre|| ; 2°. de la classification 

* K. Langloh Parker, Th€ Euahlayi Tribe, 
t In A. Lang, Quagtiones Totewica, Man, 1906, 112. 
X Fortnightly Review^ September, 1905. 
§ hsmys presented to E, B, Tylor^ pp. 217-218. 
II Cf. Mythei et Leyenden d'Auttralie, pp. 21-24. 
[ 39 ] 

No. 18.] MAN. [1908. 

par " rangs " et par " ombres "* ; 3°. Les trois theories siir les processes de la gen6ration 
ont comme objet secoudairo de fournir rexplication des variations du type : visages 
etroits, visages larges, cheveux clairs. Ce fait est interessant et Ton esp^re que 
M. Slrehlow en rechercbera d'autres du meme ordre, afin qu'on sache h. quoi s'en tenir 
sur les rudiments d 'anthropologic des Australiens. 

5°. Influences par E. B. Tylor, Spencer et Gillen ont mis h la base de la 
" philosophie " arunta rnnimisme ; influences par J. G. Frazer, ils ont fait du churinga 
une " boite a ame " (soul-box) : Tun et Tautre points de vue m'ont paru inexacts ;t 
j'attendrai pour reprendre la critique du premier la publication du fascicule II de 
M. Strehlow. Quant h, I'exactitude du second, elle est definitivemeni rejetee par 
M. von Leonhardi, d^s maintcnant : " Les Aranda comme les Luritja nient absolument 
" que les tjurunga soient le si^ge d'une ame on de la vie de I'homme interesse. 8ur 
" ce point les vieillards et les magiciens so sont k plusieurs reprises exprimes de la 
'* mani^re la plus categorique. Des appellations comme Seelenholz^ soul-box, et antres 
" semblables ne conviennent done pas aux tjurunga des Aranda et des Luritja." 
II faut savoir que ce mot de Seelenholz^ d'abord propose je crois par W. Foy {Archiv 
fur Religionswissenschaft^ T. VIII), a eu dans le monde des ethnographes allemands 
une fortune rapide, au point qu'actuellement on parte couramment du Seelenholz des 
Australiens. Or, non seulement les churinga ne sont pas tous en hois — et Spencer 
et Gillen affirment que les plus recherchc^s et les plus puissants sont ceux de pierre 
— mais, comme je crois I'avoir montrc en detail, les churinga sont avant tout des 
receptacles de puissance magico-religieuse, qui s'acquiert, qui se transmet et qui 
s'annule. M. Foy m'a ecrit en Avril dernier, h propos des churinga : " C'est bien a 
" un Seelenholz qu'on a aflaire essentiellement, ainsi qu'il ressort constamment des 
" relations sur les Australiens Centraux " ; mais ni Spencer et Gillen, ni main tenant 
Strehlow et von Leonhardi ne pourront lui servir h. demontrer Texactitude de cette 
opinion, laquelle d'ailleurs contredirait tout ce qu'on sait actuellement sur les diverses 
formes du mana chez les demi-civilises. 

Le plus que je puisse admettre, c'est que la notion d'&me est une dissociation de 
celle, plus complexe et plus confuse, de mana : du mana auraient done etc detachees 
chez les Australiens des notions plus precises : churinga, arungquiltha, puissance du 
magicien, puissance du heros civilisateur (Bayamie, etc.), puissance du dieu (con- 
tamination chretienne), force vitale, ame, et peut-6tre d'autres encore, qu'on determinera 
au fur et II mesure des progres de I'ethnographie australienne. Ce processus de 
diiisociation est universel, et d'en comprendre le mecanisme fournit la veritable clef 
de toute revolution religieuse : de ce point de vue par exemple, rien d'aise comme 
I'intelligenee du " fetichisme " des Negres du Loango, tel que le decrivent dans toute 
sa complexite R. E. Dennett (At the Back of the Black Man'^s Mind) et Pechuel- 
\ iOQ^QhQ (Volkskundc von Loango), II semble pourtant, k voir repetsr sans cesse des 
banalites sur Tanimisme que ce point de vue soit difficile a assimiler. 

II est d'un heureux augure que MM. von Leonhardi et Strehlow J aient entrepris 
I'etude approfoudie des Australiens Centraux : il faudrait maintenant s'occuper aussi 
des Australiens du nord (des Gnanji par exemple) et des Australiens de I'ouest ; une 

* Cf. N. W. Thomas, Kimhlp OrganisatioiM and Group Marriage in Amtralia^ Cambridge, 1907, 
l»p. 60-61, avec la bibliographic ; R. H. Mathews, Sociology of some Auittralian Tribes^ 1905, pp. 116, 
117, 188-9 ; Xotes on some Natice Tribes of Australia, 1906, pp. 97, 99 ; etc. 

f La "philosophie" arunta est k base dynamiste (cf. Mytftes et Legendes d'Aiuttrnlie. Chap. VITI : 
rid<$e de puissance magico-rcligieuse ; sur la boite-4-Arae, cf. p. Ixxxix). 

J Et aussi M. Wettengel, qui a foarni k M. Planert des faits linguistiques ct des Idgcndes du 
plus haut int^jr^l ; cf. W. Planert, Australische Forschungen, 1. Arunta Oram mat ik, Zeitschrift fUr 
Ethnologic, 1907. 

[ 40 ] 



[Nos. 18-19. 

expedition comprenant non seulement des ethnographes, mais aussi un linguiste au 
courant des m^thodes de la phon6tique exp6rimentale rapporterait certaioement la solution 
de maints probl^mes d'un grand int^ret th^orique aujourd'hui en suspens. 


England : Archseology. Dutt. 

New Pal8»ollthlc Site In the Waveney Valley. By fV. A, Dutt. IQ 

The parish of Hoxne, in Suffolk, is classic ground with prehistorians, owing lU 
to the discovery of palaeolithic implements there as long ago as 1797. In his Ancient 
Stone Implements of Great Britain* Sir John Evans remarks that, "Though 
" terraces of gravel are found at various places along the course of the Waveney, and 
** apparently of the same age as those of the Little Ouse Valley, yet up to the present 
** time (1897) no discoveries of implements in them have been recorded, although it 
^ seems improbable that it is at Hoxne alone that implements exist." Ten years have 
elapsed since the veteran archaeologist, in preparing the second edition of his book for 
the press, left the above sentence standing as it was in the first edition ; and it was not 
until November, 1907 — just 110 years after Mr. John Frere's famous discovery of the 
Hoxne palaeoliths — that a palaeolithic implement was found in the Waveney Valley 
elsewhere than in the classic locality at Hoxne. I then had the good fortune to find 
in a gravel pit on the common at Bungay, a town almost encircled by the River 
Waveney, a small and well- worked pointed palaeolith, made of an outer flake of a flint 
pebble and 
having its flak- 
ing and secon- 
dary chipping 
confined to one 
side of the flake. 
The pit has been 
in existence a 
good many years 
— I myself was 
in it quite thirty 
years ago — and 
I am told that 
bones of the 

mammoth have been found in it. At the present time only a corner of it, closely 
adjoining the marshy part of the common, appears to be worked, and it was there I 
found the implement in gravel, about four feet from the surface of the ground. 

I believe there can be no doubt that the gravel is a river gravel, which was 
deposited on the inner side of a great bend in the Waveney when it was flowing at 
a higher level than it does to-day. Bungay Common is chiefly a bed of gravel, 
probably deposited under the same conditions, and at a time when some higher ground 
on the outside of the bend in the river was being washed away, until a steep bank 
quite a hundred feet high in places was left, known to-day as the Bath Hills. On the 
inner side of the bend the land lies comparatively low, the gravel at the spot where the 
implement was found reaching the surface of the ground only about ten feet above 
the present water-level. 

Sir John Evans is not inclined to accept the implement as a palaeolith, because, 
in his opinion, " its workmanship is not in accordance with that of the implements of 
that age " ; but Mr. A. S. Kennard, F.G.S., confirms my opinion that it is a lute 
palaeolith, and Mr. W. G. Clarke, who has made a special study of the flint implements 

* Second edition, p. 578. 

[ « ] 

Nob. 19^20.] MAN. [1908. 

of Norfolk and Suffolk, agrees with him, I have handled several thousands of £ast 
Anglian neoliths and have never seen anything like it ; in addition to this, its edgjs 
are much battered and its facet ridges are considerably water worn. None of the rougli 
neoliths, so plentiful on the higher grounds of the Bungay neighbourhood, show any 
such marks of antiquity, while the later neoliths, occurring on certain sandy spots 
on Bungay Common, are very delicately-worked arrowheads, knives, and scrapers 
associated with pygmy flints and polished axes. W. A. DUTT. 

Anthropology : Academic. Haddon. 

The ReflTulatlons for oMalnlnfl: a Diploma of Anthropology In Qfl 

the University of Cambricl«:e. By A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S. LU 

In May, 1904, the Senate of the University of Cambridge established a Board of 
Anthropological Studies with the powers of a degree committee, like those of other 
special boards. The studies under the direction of the Board comprise prehistoric and 
historic anthropology, ethnology (including sociology and comparative religion), physical 
anthropology, and pyschological anthropology. As then constituted, the Board only 
had power to approve a suitable candidate for the degree of doctor in science. 

Last January the Senate passed a grace establishing a diploma in anthropology. 
The following are the conditions upon which the diploma can be obtained : — 

It is provided that any member of the University who has taken, or is qualified 
to take, a degree of the University, and has received instruction in anthropology in 
Cambridge under the direction of the Board of Anthropological Studies during three 
terms, which need not be consecutive, and has presented a dissertation, which disser- 
tation has been approved by the Board, shall, on the payment of such fees as the 
Senate may from time to time determine, be entitled to a diploma testifying to his 
competent knowledge of anthropology. 

That any member of the University who has graduated before the date of the 
establishment of the diploma, has received instruction in anthropology in Cambridge 
under a university professor, reader, or lecturer for three terms, which need not have 
been consecutive, and has presented a dissertation, which dissertation has been approved 
by the Board, shall, on the payment of such fees as the Senate may from time to 
lime determine, be entitled to a diploma testifying to his competent knowledge of 

That an advanced student who has resided for tlu*ee terms and has received 
instruction in anthropology in Cambridge under the direction of the Board during three 
terms, which need not be consecutive, and has presented a dissertation, which disserta- 
tion has been approved by the Board, shall, on the payment of such' fees as the Senate 
may from time to time determine, be entitled to a diploma testifying to his competent 
knowledge of anthropology, provided that such dissertation shall not have been 
presented for a certificate of research. 

That the dissertation shall be sent to the Chairman of the Board, and that the 
Board shall have power to appoint one or more referees to examine the dissertations, 
and if necessary to examine the candidates orally or otherwise upon the subject thereof, 
and to report thereon to the Board. 

That the Board shall have power to take into consideration together with the 
dissertation any memoir or work published by the candidate which he may desire to 
submit to them. 

That each candidate before receiving his diploma shall deposit in the University 
library a copy of his dissertation in a form approved by the Board. 


[ 42 ] 

1908J MAN. [No.21. 

Sweden. Duckwortli. 

Note on Mr. Kllntbor^'s Studies upon the Folklore and DIaleote Ql 

of^ €k>thland. By W. L. H. Duckworth, M.D,, Sc.D. Ct 

The claims of the Swedish island of Gothland to a position of high importance 
in the history and archaeology of Western Europe have long been recognised by all 
who have studied the evolution of culture in the Western world. The Grothlandic 
"finds" constitute perhaps the greatest treasures of the noble National Museum in 
Stockholm. But the prehistoric period may be elucidated by the study of the con- 
ditions of life obtaining to-day in districts little affected by innovations of the twentieth 
century, and the object of this note is to provide some record (in an English publication) 
of the life-work of an enthusiastic and patriotic Gothlandcr. 

On a visit to Gothland in September 1906, I had the privilege of making the 
acquaintance of Mr. Michael Klintberg. We foregathered on the breakwater at Visby, 
the chief town of Gothland. Dredging operations were proceeding in the harbour, and 
Mr. Klintberg was kind enough to enlighten me on the subject of the local geological 
strata, samples of which were then being brought up by the dredger and deposited 
on the pier. 

Subsequently Mr. Klintberg invited me to see his collection of fossils, and inci- 
dentally I learned about an important work which all those who are interested in 
folklore and archaeology must hope to see completed by its author. 

Mr. Klintberg some years ago conceived the idea of writing a dictionary of the 
local dialects of Gothland ; the scheme was a most ambitious one, for the dictionary 
was to be illustrated, so far as possible, by photographs or drawings explicative of 
the significance and employment of the more archaic words or forms of words. For 
instance, the word used for felling trees would be elucidated by the varieties of axe- 
stroke employed, for the native Gothlanders distinguish the " two- hew " from the 
" one-hew " cut, according as there are two men, or one alone, at work. And, again, 
there is the " woman^s hew " cut, applicable to small branches. All this is explained ; 
photographs shew the woodcutters at work, and, lastly, a model log gives the exact 
results of the several kinds of cut or " hew." And so on for other terms and their 

Mr. Klintberg is headmaster of the Government school for boys at Visby, and his 
first studies were philological. Incidentally, however, he has brought together with 
endless patience and perseverance an invaluable collection of documents relating to the 
folklore of Gothland. 

The manuscript is contained in some 25,000 neatly written sheets carefully 
83heduled and pigeon-holed, but Mr. Klintberg is not very sanguine about the 
possibilities of publication. That such research is in progress must, however, be a 
subject of interest for fellows of the Royal Anthropological Institute. As I have 
already said, some record of this work is desirable, and personally I ^m glad to have 
an opportunity of expressing my admiration for the indefatigable zeal with which 
Mr. Klintberg has prosecuted his self-imposed task. At my request, Mn Klintberg 
supplied me with some notes on his photographs and drawings, and a list, which is 
appended in his own words. Lack of space precludes me from enlarging further upon 
the other work which Mr. Klintberg has carried out. I have already mentioned his 
palaeontological collection and can only add here that he has established in Visby a 
collection of local archaeology and ethnology whereby much evidence, which otherwise 
would have perished, has been rescued from oblivion and preserved for future generations 
of savants. W, L. H. DUCKWORTH. 

Appendix from Mr. Michael Klintberg, Visby, Gothland : — ** List of my chief 
^ , photographs — Churches, buildings (farmers^ mansions and stables with barns), tho 

[ *3 ] 

Nos. 21-22.] MAN. [1908. 

" whole process of making a roof with thatching, lunching workpeople (when thatching), 
" whetting scythes, mowing and making hay, hay feasts (many different), conveying hay 
*' into the barn ; cornfield, cutting, binding, and piling rye, old and new methods of 
" loading it on the waggons (many), conveying it home, threshing machine, winnowing 
" machine ; fishing place with booths and enclosure, fishermen, nets, and other fishing 
" tackle, going on board, returning from the sea, taking the fish from the nets, mending 
'' and making nets ; cutting trees in the wood, piles of wood, taking up stubs, cleaning 
*' and cutting them for tar-distillation, piling the wood on the tar bottom (several 
" photographs according as the work proceeds) ; different sorts of fence and gates, 
*'*' fulling-mill and hand-fulling, plays and sport. I think that the photographs amount 
" to a number of about 200 and the pencil drawings to some thousands, repre- 
" sen ting tools and implements of many kinds, as illustrations to the dictionary." And 
with characteristic modesty Mr. Klintberg wrote therewith : " Altliough I scarcely 
" believe that my photographs are worth mentioning, I send you a dry list of the 
" chief ones. As I am still only at the beginning it is evident that this collection 
" is far from being complete and therefore, of course, still little important." 

Religion. Prazer. 

Adonis Attis Osiris : Studies in the History of Oriental Religion. Second AA 
edition, revised and enlarged. (Being Part IV of The Golden Bough: a ££ 
Study in Magic and Religion, Third edition.) London : Macmillan, 1907. Pp. xix 
+ 452. 23 X 14 cm. Price 10*. 

In the case of so important a work as this it may prove of use to students to 
provide a list, as complete as I have been able to make it, of the differences presented 
by the second edition as compared with the first : — 

p. 4, n. inserted; p. 10, title of chapter changetl ; p. 11, *' The first . . . 739 B.C." and 
nn. 7, 8 inserted ; p. 12. 1. 7, "perhaps"' inserted, n. 3 changed ; pp. 14-22, " Perhaps the sacred men 
. . . official sponge" inserted*; p. 31, "Conical stones . . . Sinai " inscrte<l ; p. 32, "Even 
the name . . . Aphrotlitcssa " inserted; pp. 41-2, "A parallel . . . duties" and n. 3 inserted; 
pp. 44-8, "This interpretation . . . worshippers" and nn. inserted*; pp. 50-83, whole chapter and 
nn. iuscrteil* ; p. 89, n. 1, "Possibly . . . 138" inserted; p. 99, n. 2, "However . . . class" 
inserted; p. 136, "A similar . . . pain" inserted; pp. 143-6, "Since there are . . . Jewish kings" 
inserte*!*; p. 167, "in Africa . . , soon die" and n. 2 inserted ; p. 191, "And year . . . spring'* 
inserted; p. 194, n. 1, "Gardens . . . commentators" of first edition, p. 137, omitted; p. 201, "At 
this time . . . Pandhari)ur " and nn. 2, 3 inserted ; p. 222, " At the vernal equinox " of first edition, 
p. 166, omitted; p. 224, "Some confirmation . . . Attis" and n. 2 inserted; p. 243, 1. 17, verbal 
change ; pp. 244-6, "in Greece . . . Scandinavian parallels" inserted* ; p. 246, 1. 26, verbal change ; 
p. 287, "and was . . . year" and n. 2 inserted* ; p. 292, n. 2, "With the sleep ... 159 " inserted; 
p. 295, n. 2, " Formicus . . . semina " inserteil ; p. 298, " So in the East . . . barn " inserted ; 
p. 300, " when the gilt . . . temple " inserted ; p. 303, L 24, verbal change ; pp. 305-6, " The 
Hkamies . . . home " inserted ; pp. 307-8, " In Annam . . . substance " and nn. 1, 2 inserted ; 
p. 309, "The Barea . . . Hving" inserted ; p. 310, 1. 26, verbal change; pp. 333-4, "the Thracian " 
before Orpheus and Lycurgus, and "In some Thracian . . . river," inserted; pp. 335-6, "In this 
connection . . . Attis" inserted; p.. 337, "In antiquity . . . magic with them" and nn. 1-7 
inserted; p. 369, n. 2, " W. W. Skeat . . . 337" inserted; p. 381, "There are . . . cenotaph" and 
n. 4 inserted ; p. 383, title of chapter changed and section heading inserted ; pp. 384-95, "At all 
events . . . male deity " and nn. substituted for first edition, p. 320, " That such ... at bay "* ; 
p. 321, "As Miss R. E. White . . . point out" omitted; p. 398, "But the old . . . Alexandria'* 
inserteti ; pp. 401-6, App. I ami nn. inserte<i* ; pp. 407-23, App. II. and nn. inserted* ; pp. 426-7, 
" This explanation . . . cattle " and n. inserted ; pp. 428-38, App. IV and nn. inserted.* 

It will be noticed that the omissions, substitutions, and verbal alterations are 
altogether few and unimportant. The improvements consist almost wholly in shorter 
or longer insertions of fresh matter ; those that appear to me most novel or otherwise 
valuable being marked in the list by an asterisk. The latter passages consist mainly 
either in further researches in the anthropology of the Old Testament, or in replies to 

[ 44 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 22 

the various crilicisms and counter-hypotheses promulgated bj Dr. L. R. Farnell. All 
alike bear more or less directly on one and the same question, namely, the place of 
woman in religion. 

At Jerusalem, almost down to the end of the Jewish kingdom, there would seem 
to have existed both sacred women (kedeshoth) and sacred men (kedeshim) apparently 
corresponding to them. What their precise functions were, however, and how, if an 
all, these were connected with fertility-rites of the type made famous by Dr. Frazer's 
speculations concerning divine queens and kings, remains largely a matter of analogical 
inference, if only because of the expurgated condition in which the Hebrew Scriptures 
have reached us. (Very interesting and profound observations, it may be mentioned 
by the way, on the manner in which the book of early times is liable, to expurga- 
tion, the case of the Hebrew Scriptures being especially considered, are to be met in 
Dr. Gilbert Murray's recent work, The Rise of the Greek Epic^ Oxford, 1907, 
pp. 101-35.) In trying to get at the meaning of the various practices, and more 
especially those of a sexual character, devolving on sacred persons in the East- 
Mediterranean region generally, we must be careful to distinguish their proximate 
significance, namely, the sense they had for the age to which our evidence immediately 
refers them, and their original significance, namely, the far-off savage notions out of 
which they presumably evolved. It is only fair to say that Dr. Frazer's argument 
for a connection with fertility -rites relates chiefly to the question of proximate signifi- 
cance, without prejudice to the possibility of an origin, or even of several distinct 
origins, having nothing whatever to do with the magico-religious pursuit of fertility 
ia the matter of crops, of offspring, or of both together. Now sexual relations 
entered on by sacred persons with the object of sympathetically augmenting fertility 
might conceivably take place either between sacred men and sacred women ; between 
sacred men and profane women; or betwt^cn sacred women and profane men. (1) 
Examples of the first class would best suit Dr. Frazer's general scheme of thought. 
Then we should have represented in ritual the mystic marriage of male and female 
powers, the divine king and the divine queen, Adonis and Astarte. As a matter of 
fact, however, nothing, in the new evidence at least, points at all definitely in this 
direction. (2) Under the second head, Dr. Frazer hints, might be brought the case of 
the sons of Eli and the women who frequented the tabernacle. The rest of his 
evidence proves little more than that, as is well known, women are wont to resort 
to holy places as a cure for barrenness, the physical intervention of the holy men 
l)eing deduced from the vaguest of ill-natured gossip about modern types of holy men. 
(3) Under the third category we get unambiguous cases of prostitutes maintained in 
connection with a temple or shrine, and Dr. Frazer produces some crucial evidence 
from India and West Africa to show that these women tend to be regarded as wives 
of the god. That they are sup|)Osed to bring about some mystic increase of fertility 
by their practices is not made out by any tangible proofs whatever. It might surely 
be that they are allowed to indulge in irregular amours simply as a set-oH* against 
the disability to own a human husband (just as certain African princesses, forced to 
remain celibate, are permitted consolations of the kind) ; and that, since their earnings, 
like themselves, are sacred and hence become the property of the temple, the prostitution 
is for financial reasons encouraged on a large scale, there being meanwhile no lack (as 
is seen even in quite primitive society) of women whose destitute position, quite apart 
from motives of religion, forces them into such a life. (4) There remain to be 
considered under a separate head cases where profane woman has intercourse with 
profane man under the sanction, as it were, of religion. (Yet another class (5), which 
prima fade has nothing to do with religion at all, is constituted by those instances 
in which we find young women leading a loose life in order to earn a marriage- 
portion). I wonder whether Dr. Frazer, in his pre-occupation with the fertility motif 

[ 45 ] 

Nos. 22-23.] . MAN. [1908. 

has in this context been careful to distinguish proximate from remoter significance. 
Is it not verj likely that the custom had come to be regarded as a sacrifice of an 
abnegatorj kind, and perhaps specifically as a sacrifice, so to speak, of first-fruits ? 
Of course, any rite duly performed would be regarded as luck-bringing ; and this, 
where a woman was concerned, would practically amount to fertility-bringing, even 
though the idea of fertility was extrinsic to the constitutive meaning of the rite in 
question. Lying at the root of the ceremony I suspect, with Mr. Hartland (see his 
important paper, " Concerning the Rite at the Temple of Mylitta," in Anthropological 
Essays presented to E. B. Tylor\ a puberty ceremony. On the analogy of other 
puberty ceremonies, I think it quite probable that some magical strengthening of the 
sexual powers was the prima3val intention. But the whole matter remains exceedingly 
obscure. I would finally note how, of these five groups of cases which have been dis- 
tinguished, only the fourth presents the features of a ritual act at all, and that a ritual 
act of a private, self-regarding character, not a public ceremony to secure fertility for the 
community in general in the matter of children, still less in the matter of crops. 

I have left myself no room in which to go at due length into the interesting 
subject, broached by Dr. Frazer, of the influence of mother-kin on the forms of religion. 
In the case of the Khasis and the Pelew islanders he shows reason to think that such 
an influence has been exerted. The facts cited seem to point to some sort of 
ancestor- worship ; but it is notorious that ancestor-worship is apt to prove somewhat 
ineffective in comparison with other formative tendencies in primitive religion. Mean- 
while, Dr. Frazer protests in forcible language, which should be taken to heart in certain 
quarters, against two fallacies : (a) " Mother-kin does not mean mother-rule." " The 
" theory of a gynaecocracy is in truth a dream of visionaries and pedants." {b) 
'• Equally chimerical is the idea that the predominance of goddesses under a system of 
" mother-kin like that of the Khasis is a creation of the female mind. If women ever 
" created gods they would be mor« likely to give them masculine than feminine features. 
" In point of fact the great religious ideals which have permanently impressed them- 
*' selves on the world seem always to have been a product of the male imagination. 
" Men make goils and women worship them." After this robust confession of faith, 
who will venture to class Dr. Frazer amongst the feminists ? 

A word in conclusion. This first instalment of The Golden Bough, as raised 
triumphantly to the third power, is a model of what a scientific exposition should be. 
The innumerable facts are collected, as needs must be, in support of a theory ; yet the 
theory is not allowed to do violence to the facts, but, on the contrary, at all points waits 
upon them. Whatever be the limits eventually set upon what may bo called the 
Mannhardtian hypothesis, it has at least served in Dr. Frazer's hands to colligate by far 
t he most comprehensive account in existence of the magico-religious ideas and practices 
of savage and proto-historic man. R. R. MARETT. 

Asia: Cranlology. Turner. 

A Contribution to the Craniology of the Natives of Borneo, the Malays, the flQ 
Natives of Formosa, and the Tibetans. By Principal Sir William Turner, fcU 
K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S. ("Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh," 
Vol. XLV., Part III., No. 28). Pp. 781-813, five plates. 1907.' 

In a series of very remarkable memoirs Sir William Turner has systematised and 
augmented our knowledge of the craniology of various Asiatic races. In the first 
three, appearing between 1899 and 1906, ho dealt with crania and races found within 
the widely spread l>orders of our Indian Empire. In the present memoir his labours 
are transferred to the Far East — to the inhabitants of Borneo and Formosa. The 
material on which these memoirs are based rests on the shelves of the Anatomical 
Museum of the University of Edinburgh ; for the greater part it has been presented 

[ 46 ] 

1908.] if AN. [Nos. 2a-24. 

bj former pupils who have held medical appointments abroad. The foresight and 
influence which gathered the material in Edinburgh, and the masterly manner in which 
it is described and elaborated in these memoirs compel our admiration. 

In the memoirs twenty-three crania are described : fifteen are from North Borneo, 
two are pure Malays used for comparison, four are from a tribe in the southern part 
of Formosa (Botaus), while the remaining two are from Tibet. The number of crania 
is limited, but they yield a welcome addition to our present scanty knowledge of the 
craniology of the races to which they belong. The chief interest of this memoir, 
however, lies in the au thorns application of craniological methods to the analysis of 
the racial constituents in the mixed inhabitants of the south-east division of Asia and 
neighbouring islands. Throughout that part of the world Sir William Turner recognises 
four chief races : (1) the Negrito^ represented by the Mincopies of the Andaman 
Islands, the Semangs of the Malay Peninsula, the Aeta pygmies of the Philippine 
Islands ; (2) the Mongolian ; (3) the Malay ; (4) the Indonesian. It is the last- 
named race that is chiefly treated in this memou*. The term Indonesian is used " to 
*' designate tribes in whom the ihead and skull are dolichocephalic in form and pro- 
** portion, or approximating thereto with a mesorhine nose, brown skin, varying in the 
" depth of tint, long straight black hair, short stature, 5 feet 2 inches to 5 feet 4 inches." 
To that race he assigns the Kalamantans, tribes in North Borneo, skulls of which 
are herein described ; Battaks of Sumatra ; certain mountain tribes in Java, described 
by Eohlbriigge ; corresponding types found in Timor, Celebes and Sulu Islands ; cer- 
tain tribes described by Koeze in the Philippine Islands ; the Botans of Formosa ; the 
Sakais or Senoi of the Malay Peninsula ; the Selungs of Morgui ; the Mois of 
Cambodia ; certain hill tribes of Burma ; the Veddahs of Ceylon and those tribes 
scattered throughout India which are grouped under the name of Dravidians. The sea 
Dyaks and sea gypsies he regards as a mixture of Indonesian and Malay, the Malay 
influence leading to a shortening and widening of the skull. So fur, no trace of a 
uegrito element has been found in either Borneo or Formosa. A. K. 

Malay Peninsula : Oranlology. Sohlagrlnliaufen. 

Ein Beitrag zur Craniologie der Semang, By Dr. Otto Schlaginhaufen. Al 
(Abhandlungen und Berichte des Konigl : Zoologischon und Anthropologisch- fcl 
Ethnographischen Museums zu Dresden, Band XI., 1907, No. 2.) Pp. 50. 
33 X 27 cm. Price 7 marks 50. 

The crania described in this memoir were collected by Dr. Grubauer, who vouches 
for the authenticity of the specimens. They are designated crania of the '' Gunung- 
sapi," this being the name of the tribe to which they are attributed. Dr. Grubauer 
obtained a third Semang skull, which is referred to as of the " Bukit-sapi " tribe, and 
this specimen was purchased by the late Professor C. Stewart for the Hunteriaii 
Museum in London. 

The two skulls of the " Gunuug-sapi " are male and female respectively. Dr. 
Schlaginhaufen has made an exhaustive study of their osteological characters and hi^ 
memoir will serve as a model for the guidance of those who desire to test crania by 
means of the latest and most approved methods of examination. The text is abundantly 
illustrated, chiefly with reproductions of the admirable tracings which can be made by 
means of the very accurate drawing apparatus devised by Professor Martin. 

Crania of pure-blooded Semang aborigines are so rare in collections that the 
minuteness of the investigation here detailed is easily justified. The author brings 
into comparison eight other skulls, the provenance of which is sufficiently well known 
to allow of their being regarded as of genuine Semang stock, and these eight examples 
are distributed among no less than six collections. 

As a result of his research, Dr. Schlaginhaufen concludes that the characters of the 

[ 47 ] 

Nos. 24-25.] MAN. [1908. 

two crania fall within the limits of variation presented by the specimens already known. 
It is noteworthy that the two " Gnnnng-sapi " crania contrast rather markedly with each 
other in respect of the cephalic index. Even this character is, however, shown by the 
useful tables of comparable measurements (II) to be extraordinarily inconstant among 
the Semang, for in the ten records here treated extreme examples of values of this 
intlex occur and are represented by the figures 72 • 3 and 85 respectively. In these 
respects the Semang natives appear to differ from certain other types. As in other 
small crania (of whatever provenance) the muscular attachments are but indistinctly 
impressed ui>on the cranial surface. 

The author concludes by pointing out that he has applied to these skidls all the 
tests regarded by Professor Schwalbe as diagno.stic of specific differences between the 
recent human types and those of the XeanJerthal-Spy group. As a result, Schwalbe's 
conchision (that the crania of Senoi, Semang, and Andamanese are not specifically 
different from the other existing human races) finds support in Dr. S(.*hlaginhaufeu's 
work. W. L. II. DL'CKWORTH. 

We are glad to learn that a donation of £4,000 has been made to the building Af 
fund for the new Museum of Arclircology and of Ethnology, Cambridge, which is so fcll 
urgently required. This generous sum has been given "* In memory of the late Walter 
K. Foster" by the following members of his family, who have each subscribe<l £1,000, 
viz. : — Mrs. Walter K. P'oster, E. Bird Foster, Esq., Charles Finch Foster, Esq., and 
Mrs. Edward Eawlings. It may be remembered that Mr. Foster bequeathed his 
entire collection of selected local and other antiquities to the museum in 1891. These 
generous contributions, with what was alrcauly subscribed, brings up the total of the 
subscription list for the proposed musemn building, to close on £8,000, so that only 
a comparatively small sum remains to be collected before the building committee will 
be enabled to commence o])erations. It is expected that the cost of the projyoseil 
building will, before completion, amount to the large sum of £2.'),000. 

The Gyj)sy Lore Society was foundeil to promote the study of gypsy history, 
language, customs, and folk-lore. Circumstances have, however, arisen which render 
it necessary to extend its sphere and take into account the social coixlition of the 
race. The gypsies are to be attacked, not by individual rulers or municipalities, but 
by a combination of all the governments of Euroj)e. Negotiations have l)een in 
jn-ogress between France and Switzerland with the object of expelling the gypsies 
fnmi Europe, and an international conference is to be suninioneil for that puq)ose at 
Berne during next sunmier. Germany and Great Britain have already accepted 
invitations to sentl rej)resentatives. The (^ypsy Lore Society is taking action in the 
matter, and Mr. J. IL Yoxall, M.P., one of its members, has already approached the 
Foreign aiul Home Offices, and will do his best in Parliament ** to keep for the gypsies, 
"' as well as for other people, that opportunity of asylum and that liberty to live, 
** move, and have their being, which have long been one of the elements of common 
** freedom in our land." 

The Vi(re-Chancellor of the rniversity of Oxford has received from Dr. Henry Wilde, 
the founder of the Wihle Keadership in Mental Philosophy, £100, given by him 
" in aid of the work of the Committee for Anthropology." 

The tleath is annomiced of Mr. Morris K. Jesup, President of the American Museum 
of Natural History, with whose name is associated the expe<Iition to the countries 
bordering on tlui North Pacific Ocean. 

Printed by Byre and Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 

1908.] MAN. [No. 26. 

Engrland : Arohseology. With Plate D. Smith. 

'« Eoliths." By Worthington G. Smith. F.L.S, All 

When Professor Prestwich published his paper on The Primitive Characters £0 
of the Flint Implements of the Chalk Plateau of Kent^ in the Journal of the Anthro- 
pological Institute. Vol. XXI., 1892, he appended u note at p. 247, in which he stated 
that ^* similar flint implements'^ liad ^Salso been found by Mr. Worthington Smith on 
" the hills near Dunstable, at heights of 596 and 760 feet, in positions away from 
" existing river valleys." Jn a letter in my i)OSse8sion Professor Prestwich "co-relates " 
the implements found on the Diuistable plateau with those found on the similar Kentish 
plateau. I also have a postcard in which Professor Prestwich requests me to make 
notes as to the high-level implements and the red olay-with-flints. At that time I was 
familiar with plateau implements. 

As many years have now passed since my attention was first directed to these 
objects, it may possibly be of interest if I give the conclusions at which I have arrived 
regarding the North Herts and South Beds plateaux and their implements. 

Early Searches on the Plateaux of the East of England, — Some years before 
1871 my late friend, Mr. Henry Prigg, the well-known geologist and antiquary of Bury 
St. Edmund's, whose name occurs so frequently in Evans' Stone Implements of Great 
Britain, called my attention to the paheolithic flint implements found by him on the 
high-level position at Barton IJill, one-and-a-half miles south of Mildenhall, Suffolk. 
Mr. Prigg sent me a drawing of a section taken through Barton Hill and Warren 
Hill, with the River Lark flowing between. In his accompanying letter he wrote : 
" The discovery of implements in the gravel of Barton Hill has not yet been publisheil, 
"^ but it will be included in a paper I have for some time been ])reparing for pub- 
** lication. The majority of implements found there are mere naturally fractured 
** stones, either used as they were, or adapted for use by a few additional flakes being 
*' struck off them." In another letter Mr. Prigg wrote : " The stones from Barton 
*' Hill are in many rases natural fractures, leaving a sharp side edge, and this has 
*' l>een plainly worked off by rough use. In other cases the natural fracture is improved 
" U|>on to produce a handier implement. They are moderately abundant in the pits, 
" and now and then a better formed imjilement turns up." 

Mr. Prigg here referrctl to the ru<le minor forms of palaiolithic implements now 
called by some observers, '* eolithic " implements, and he notes that " better formed 
implements " accompauied them. This is my ex])erience on the North Herts and 
South Beds plateaux. 

The paper Mr. Prigg was then preparing was one he afterwards forwarded, with 
drawings, to the Prehistoric Congress of Bologna in 1871, one year before the 
publication of Evans' Stone Implements, In this he referred to Iiigh-level tools as 
*' plateau" implements. Mr. Prigg sent the paper to me for perusal with examples of 
the stones. J have not seen the Bologna report, but the paper was printed in English, 
in abstract form, without illustrations, under the name of " Notes u])on some Discoveries 
*^ of Flint Implements in the yuuternary Deposits of the East of England," in the 
Journal of the Nortcich Geological Society. March 1882. Mr. Prigg sent a copy of 
this paper to antiquaries and geologists. 

At p. 163 of this paper Mr. Prigg says : " Other implement-bearing gravels are 
** found \\\KH\ the top of some of the higher ground in the vicinity of the outfall of 
*' these rivers " — Ouse and Lark — " whicrh ground attains an elevation of from 90 to 
" 120 feet above the water level. These gravels, although of similar materials to 
*' those of the lower-level beds, now form jiart of no valley series and are of great 
** antiquity. It is probable that some of the more worn implements found in the 

[ « ] 

ITo. 26J MAN. 0908. 

** lower bed« m^y have been deriTed from their wa«te." On p. 161 he savs : ^ Similarly 
" Hitnated, but to the south of the valley of the Lark, a deposit of plateau gravel 
^ containing flint implements occur at Barton Hill, 1^ miles distant from, and fully 
*' 120 feet above, the River Lark." Mr. Prigg concludes by saying : " A vast antiquity 
^^ must be assigned to the implements ; at the same time, the evidence thus far, fairly 
^^ interpreted, will not allow us to assign to any of the beds containing them a greater 
^' age than those usually classed as quaternary or post-glacial." 

The evidence of the Dunstable position points to conclusions identical with those 
formed by Mr. Prigg. 

AlK)iit the time of the writing of this paper, 1869, a high-level palaeolithic implement 
was found by Messrs. Prestwich and Evans at Currie Farm, Halstead, at a height of 
600 feet. 

In 1882 Mr. Henry Prigg returned to this subject in a report on the drainage works 
at Bury St. Edmund's published in the Norwich and Bury Post. Writing as to the 
dates of his discoveries of palaeolithic implements in 1865-7, he says : " Afterwards I 
'' successfully sought them in the high-level deposits of Westley, Risby, Kentford, and 
*' Rougham, stations occupying nearly the highest points in their respective localities, 
" and far removed from tbe influence of any river now draining the district." Further 
on he remarks : " That the high-level gravels were deposited by river action is abun- 
" dantly proved by the presence in them of shells of snails, &c., identical with those 
" now living in our streams, whilst their height, far above the greatest floods of the 
" present rivers, proves that the valleys must have l>een excavated since they were 
" deposited." 

Mr. Prigg, who was hon. curator of the Bury Museum, sent this report to his 
geological and archaeological friends. 

The Dunstable Plateau, — The Dunstable plateau at its highest point is 800 feet 
O.D. and more than 200 feet above the nearest valley. Its lowest elevation is 530 feet 
O.D, and 75 feet above the nearest dry valley. The high-level positions are Dunstable 
Downs, Blow's Downs, Caddiugton, Kensworth, Round Green, Ramridge End, and 
other places. The hills are of lower chalk, capped in an irregular manner by patches 
of the Reading beds, red clay-with-flints, boulder clay, in a washed and relaid condition, 
stones which at one time belonged to boulder clay and various blocks and pebbles 
derived from glacial and outlying tertiary beds. In many places brick-earth occurs, 
composed of washings from these deposits and it varies in colour according to the nature 
of the deposit from which it has been washed. In some places there is an upper 
capping of contorted drift. 

In the brick-earth palaeolithic implements of the latest date occur ; this is shown 
l)y their small, refined, geometrically perfect and beautiful forms, they are unabraded 
and detached flakes are capable of replacement. These implements are only mentioned 
here because they prove that although they belong to the latest of palaeolithic times, 
yet they are older than the excavation of the valleys. The valleys, if they existed, 
could only have been in an initial state. 

The Contorted Drift, — This is of the greatest importance, it is post-glacial and 
newer than the boulder clay. Glacial deposits and boulder clays occur in the neighbour- 
IuhkI of Dunstable, and, as far as my experience goes, especially during the last 
twenty-two years, they are absohitely without a trace of human work. The contorted 
drift is ileep red-brown in colour, highly tenacious and commonly, though not invariably, 
contorted. I have seen it at Kensworth 40 feet deep, with late, sharp, palaeolithic 
flakes at its base ; it is commonly about 4 feet deep and sometimes it is weathered 
away to a few inches. It contains local stones belonging to the local deposits already 
mentioned. No stones in it have been brought direct from a long distance, all are 
derived from local and relaid deposits in the neighbourhood. Its chief interest is> 

[ 60 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 26. 

found in the fact that it contains pakeolithic implements and flakes of various degrees 
of antiquity, side by side, and in the same mineral condition as those called by 
some observers " eolithic " implements. The implements and " eoliths " vary from 
sharp to greatly abraded and from deep brown to white. Any observation or criticism 
that applies to one applies with equal force to the other. The explanation is clear : 
the contorted drift picked up and fixed in its own tenacious substance all the stones 
that were resting upon the surface of the ground at the time of its deposition. These 
stones included all the local stones of the district, including older and newer palR3oliths, 
and their ever-accompanying " eoliths." 

'* Eoliths,'*'* — What are " eoliths " ? At the present day all kinds of oddities in 
flint are passed off* as " eoliths ": one author says the examples must be bulbless ; another 
describes well-formed bulbs. One says the secondary flaking is vertical, another that 
it is lateral. Sometimes a proof of authenticity is said to rest on the fact that the 
stones in question present no flaking at all, only rubbing. If museums are visited 
one sees ordinary palaeoliths masquerading as "eoliths" and rubbing shoulders with 
minor well-known palieolitliic forms, iron-stained neoliths, surface flints, and late 
Victorian oddities of all sorts. Professor Prestwich himself could not always dis- 
tinguish palaeoliths from " plateau" examples, for he says, in his Controverted Questions 
in Geology : " I do not wish to assert that all the plateau implements are of so distinct 
** a pattern that they can always be distinguished from the valley implements " (!) ; and, 
" Besides the implements of different patterns, there is a large, probably the larger, 
" number, which, though not the result of chance, show no special design " ; and again, 
" A few large implements have been found equalling in workmanship and finish some 
*' of the best of the valley specimens" (!). He says twice that the work on some of 
the " plateau " implements " is so slight as to be scarcely apparent." To add to the 
reader^s uncertainty on the question of ** plateau " implements the great geologist 
has given twelve incorrect references to his forty-one figures. It is known that 
Professor Prestwich ati the time of writing his later papers was ill, overworked, and 

The conclusion I have come to is, that there are no such things as " eoliths " at 
all, nine out of ten of the thousands sent on to me for an opinion have been nothing 
but natural flint fragments, the tenth has been a minor and well-known palaeolithic or 
neolithic form, or may be a bulbed, iron-stained, Victorian flake, knocked off* by the 
hoof of a farm animal. 

" Eoliths " on the Dunstable Plateau, — " Eoliths " as such — to me — do not exist ; 
all the different flint forms illustrated and described by Professor Prestwich and others, 
all the varieties seen in museums and private collections, occur near Dunstable in 
abundance ; there is no line of demarcation between a palaeolithic implement and an 
" eolith," as regards the weathering, abrasion, mineral condition and colour. The 
artificial gradually fades into the natural, the latter being in a large majority. Surely 
it is useless to argue whether a small doubtful piece rubbed out of the edge of a flint 
is artificial or natural, it is sheer waste of time. There is at Dunstable no archaeo- 
logical, geological, or osteological evidence that any of the worked stones on the 
plateau are so old as the boulder clay. 

Only a few words need be said as to the genuine Dunstable high-level palaeolithic 
implements, they entirely corroborate the statement made by Professor Prestwich, that 
implements occur from the rudest to the most highly finished. The four accompanying 
figures (Plate D., Figs. 1,2, 3, and 4), drawn to half scale, show the varieties of imple- 
ment ; all are more or less abraded and discoloured. Figs. 1, 2, and 3 are of the 
abraded class. Fig. 3 is greatly abrailed and deep brown in colour. I found it at 
Kensworth at a height of 760 feet and 210 feet above the nearest dry valley. There 
is no river near. Nothing older occurs in this neighbourhood nor, as far as I have 

[ 61 ] 

No. 26.] 




seen, anywhere 
else in Eng- 
land. Fig. 4 is 
an elaborately 
made and high- 
ly specialised 
form of the 
older class. 

More may 
be said as to 
the " eoliths." 
The two stones 
illustrated in 
Figs. 5 and 6 
would, without 
doubt, be accepted as genuine *' eoliths " by any believer in these dubious stones. 

At Fig. 5, Plate D, is illustrated, in five views, to half scale, a typical " eolith " 
from the Dunstable " plateau " ; it is a '* pronounced " example with typically bruised, or 
vertically flaked edges. The surface of the stone, shown by dots, 
is abraded, ochreous, and of human origin ; the edges are newer, 
unabraded and creamy-livid in colour. If, therefore, the edges are 
**eolithic," it follows that the ochreous, human-made surfaces must 
be ** pre-eolithic " as they arc undoubtedly older than the surfaces. 
Fig. 6, Plate D, is another and similar example, the edges 
show it to be an uimiistakable ** eolith," but it is made from 
a large, greatly abraded, artificial flake which must be "proto- 
eolithic," as the surfaces arc older and abraded, whilst the e<lges 
are newer and unabraded. 

the Dunstable to Professor 

7 is an accepted Kentish 

''eolith," sent 

Turning for a moment from 
Prestwich's Kentish plateau, Fig. 

Fig. 0.— basal portion of a kentish paleoli- 

[ 52 ] 

FlO. 8.— A PALEO- 

tome amongst blackm orb museum, 
others for illus- Salisbury. 
tration by Mr. Ci scale.) 

Benjamin Harrison, and labelled 
" Kent Plateau, 10 Aut. 2." The 
edges A and B are paler than the 
body of the stone, which is darker 
and older. On turning this ac- 
cepted "eolith" over, it is seen 
to resemble the basal part of an 
ordinary abraded palaeolithic imple- 
ment. The palaiolithic and abraded 
part at D, E, is scratched, whilst 
the ''worked part" is unscratched. 
F is an old frost-break. 

Of late still another aspect 
has been given to the subject of 
"eoliths"; the characters are 
always varying ; there is no finality 
or permanency in any of them. It 
is said that ii» certain favoured 



[No. 26. 

positions palft3oliths have "never" been found in situ with the ** eoliths." Now 
" never " is a long time. Take this example : There is a high-level position near 
Whipsnade Heath, near Dunstable ; everything is favourable at this place for a 
discovery of palaeoliths. I have known the place well, and constantly visited it 
ever since I first began to notice implements, and have never met with an example 
there. This year a digger, known to me, was sent to dig stones for the road near 
Whipsnade Heath, and as soon as he began to dig he turned out a superb ochreous 
ovate implement, now No. 1,792 in my collection. Another example : Close by 
Dunstable is Blow^s Downs, a place even more familiar to me than Whipsnade Heath. 
There are a few stains of brickearth on the fields of naked chalk, and I have never 
found anything like a palaeolith on that part of the high ground. In October last a 
scholar from the Dunstable Grammar School in walking over the downs kicked his foot 
accidentally against a stone. On looking down he saw this stone to be a fine ovate 
palaeolithic implement. He recognised the shape from having seen a small collection 
of implements given by me to the Grammar School here, and by others in my 
workroom. One should think twice before using the word "never." 

To return to the pure " eolithic" strata. One of these positions is said to be at 
Alderbury, near Salisbury. I am deeply indebted to the kindness of Dr. H. P. 
Blackmore for obligingly sending me twenty-four examples from this position for illus- 
tration. One of these is given, to half scale, in Fig. 8. This specimen instead of being 
an " eolith," is on the face of it a good bulbed flake with very skilful, lateral palasolithic 

flaking. There is in the Blackmore 
Museum, amongst "eoliths," a second 
and finer piece of work of this class 
five inches long from the same locality. 
Another accepted " eolith " from 
a Kentish " pure stratum " is illus- 
trated to half scale in Fig. 9. It was 
kindly forwarded to me, with others, for 
illustration by Mr. B. Harrison, from 
an "eolithic" position called, and the 
stone labelled, "Two Chimney House, E. 730 O.D.," a position from which no 
palaeolithic traces had ever, it was said, been found. It will be seen that this pure 
" eolith " looks considerably like an ordinary palaeolithic implement with the point 
knocked off. 

In the earlier part of these notes I wrote of Victorian " eoliths." In Fig. 10 is 
illustrated a Jacobean "eolith." No one can look at the illustration without recog- 
nising the pure " eolithic " form and the genuine vertical " eolithic " chipping as seen 
on the edge view. The Jacobean " glacial " scratches on the surface should also be 
noticed. Prehistoric objects are not generally dated, but this example bears the date 
in bold embossed characters, " 1686." The material is glass ; it is part of a thick, old 
dated bottle, and the vertical flaking was done by the boots of agricultural labourers, 
by the hoofs of farm animals, and by contact with farm implements. I found it in 
a high-level pakeolithic position at Ramridge End, Luton. 

Conclusion. — (1) The majority — nine out of ten of "eoliths" — are natural stones 
not intentionally touched by man. 

(2) The minority are of human origin, but of well-known palieolithic or neolithic 
forms ; these palaeolithic minor forms being always found in company with palseolithic 

(3) There is no evidence that any of the minor palaeolithic forms, often termed 
"eoliths," are so old as the boulder clay. WORTHINGTON G. SMITH. 


[ 53 ] 

No. 27.] MAN. [1908. 

Physical Anthropologry : Plgrmentatlon. Gray. 

A New Instrument for Determining the Colour of the Hair, Q^ 

Eyes, and Skin. By J, Gray^ B.Sc. LI 

The classification of liair, eye, and skin colours has hitherto usually been made 
in accordance with the observer's estimate of the meaning of certain commonly used 
colour names. Udny Yule has shown (Journ. Anthr, Inst., Vol. XXXVl., p. 325) that 
this method leads to a very great inconsistency between the statistics collected by 
different observers, and even to a considerable inconsistency between statistics collected 
by the same observer at different times. The value of pigmentation statistics collected 
in this way is consequently very much reduced. 

Many attempts have been made to reduce the personal error by making a standard 
scale of colours to be used in matching the colour of the person observed. A set of 
sample locks of hair has been used. But the objection to this is the difficulty of 
reproducing an exact facsimile of the scale any required number of times. An exact 
match to a standard lock can only be got by selection from a very large stock, and 
scales produced in this way would be expensive. Besides, there is some reason for 
believing that the colour of locks of hair is not permanent. 

Attempts have also been made to reproduce the colours of locks of hair, eyes, 
etc., by colour lithography, but these have usually been failures. I myself employed 
one of the best firms in this country to reproduce a series of locks of hair and a 
series of glass eyes by the three-colour photo-mechanical process, but the results were 
not of any practical value. None of these processes are apparently sufficiently 
advanced to reproduce shades of colour with sufficient exactness for scientific purposes, 
though they are capable of producing beautiful pictorial effects. 

I had for several years thought that the solution of the problem of the exact 
measurement of pigmentation would be effected by an instrument on the principle of 
Mr. Lovibond's tintometer, but I had not the opportunity of submitting the question 
to Mr. Lovibond until a few months ago. 

The Lovibond tintometer is an optical instrument similar in construction to a 
stereoscope, but with ordinary lenses instead of the prismatic stereoscopic lenses. Under 
one eye is placed the object of which the colour is to be measured, and under the other 
eye a pure white surface, both the object and the surface being equally illuminated 
by diffused white light, the intensity of which must be within certain defined limits. 
Between the eye and the white surface one, two, or three glasses of red, yellow, or blue 
colour and of graduated density are interposed, till an exact match with the coloured 
object is obtained. From the values of the glasses used the exact amount of each 
colour constituent in the coloured object can be ascertained. 

In a simpler form of the instrument there is one lens, both the coloured object 
and the white surface being viewed by one eye. 

The complete set of graduated glasses consists of three series, representing scales 
of red, of yellow, and of blue. The density of each colour is divided into 155 equal 
degrees, each of which is represented by a coloured glass. Three glasses — red, yellow, 
and blue — of equal density absorb white light, so that the white surface, when viewed 
through such a triplet, shows no colour, but is merely reduced in brightness. When 
a colour measurement is made with three glasses the maximum triplet of equal red, 
yellow, and blue, which can be subtracted from the readings of the glasses used, 
measures the amount of white light absorbed by the coloured object, f.c, its degree 
of neutral tint or blackness. Equal quantities of the remaining two colours, say, 
red and yellow, are then combined to form the colour lying between them in the 
.ipectrum, say orange. If there is still an excess of one colour left, say yellow, we 
conclude that the colour of the object is yellow-orange, mixed with a definite 
amount of black. 

[ 54 



[No. 27 

With his tintometer Mr. Lovibond and his staff have made an exact measurement 
of the colour constituents of a series of thirty-four locks of hair, which I submitted to 
him, and the results are of the greatest theoretical interest. This series starts with 
very light fair hairy passes on to what Retzius calls ash blonde^ then through ligh 

flondfi to Black H^irs 

^.* •. 


n : f H m n 


ft^ i •¥ '^'H S S If t» ti S~"3 a^ sr". tt fl) u 29 
Light Broivn I J>arlcBTOwn ! 7^ Black 

FiO. 1. 

Nos^ of Locks 

brown and dark brown to jet black. At the other end of the series a number of red 
locks are arranged, coomiencing with brilliant light red and passing on bj steps to 
dark red or auburn. 

Before this series was submitted to Mr. Lovibond for measurement the locks had 
been arranged by several persons independently, in what appeared to be the natural 
order of their colour. The result of the colour measurement by the tintometer is shown 
by Mr. Lovibond in a curve (Fig. 1), which he has kindly permitted me to use. From 
this we see what constituent has been predominant when the colours were arranged in 
the series from blonde to black by the naked eye. It was evidently the degree of 

iUd Hairs 




"i X f ^ csr-rncnr-jc, nos, of Locks 
Fig. 2. 


— » Oron^ 

FlO. 3. 

blackness that determined the position of a lock in the scale. With one or two excep- 
tions the curve of blackness rises with fair uniformity from the blonde to the jet-black 
end of the series. Of the other two colour constituents, orange is practically constant 
for nearly the whole length of the series, dropping nearly to zero at the blonde, and 

[ 55 ] 

No. 27.] 



altogether to zero at the jet-black end. The yellow constituent is very erratic, and 
evidently could not be used as a basis of classification of the locks. Curiously enough, 
the amount of yellow is greatest, not in the fairest lock, as might be expected, but in 
the blackest lock of the series. 

The series of red locks, for which a separate curve (Fig. 2) has been drawn, does 
not fit anywhere into the blonde-black series. The classification by the naked eye, 

Bl ftm lft to BSaok 
inolndliii^ Rsd 


1 I 4 J4 N aft.« 


h IT k 

Fig. 4. 

in case of red, is evidently based on the amount of orange, and not on the amount of 
black, as in the other series. To show how abnormal red hair is I have drawn a curve 
(Fig. 4) arranging the whole of the locks in the two series in order of blackness. It 
will be seen that the amount of orange, wherever a red lock occurs, changes per saltumy 
except in the case of the dark reds, which gradually approximate to the darker members 
of the light brown group. 

Anthropologists have generally difiered as to the correct position to be assigned to 
red in a complete scale of hair colours. Dr. Beddoe, for example, makes the order of 


Orangre and Black 

Xa BUck umtts 

a hair-colour series, redyfair^ light hrown^ etc. ; others make the order, ^air, rrrf, light 
brown^ etc. The analysis of the hair colours made by Mr. Lovilwnd explains how the 
confusion has arisen. 

The true relation of red hair to the other colours is well nhown, I think, by a 
chart (Fig. 5), in which the position of each lock of the series of 34, is determined by 

[ 56 ] 



[No. 27. 

co-ordinates representing the amount of black and of orange in the colour of the lock. 
It will be seen from this chart that the locks form a single band starting from jet 
black and moving towards the junction of the dark and light brown groups. At this 
point the band divides into two branches, in one of which (namely, the blonde) the 
orange decreases as the black decreases, and in the other of which (namely, the red) 
the orange increases as the black decreases. 

It looks as if red hair were evolved from dark brown by converting a certain 
percentage of its black pigment into orange pigment. It would follow from this that 
red hair should be of rare occurrence in a very blonde population, because there is not 
sufficient black pigment to convert into orange pigment. This conclusion is confirmed 
by the observations of Virchow in North Germany, where only a very small percentage 
of red hair was found. 

The PigmerUation Meter, — The modification of the tintometer which, after many 
trials, has been found most suitable for measuring the amount of pigment in hair, eyes, 
and skin, is shown in side and top view in Fig. 6. It consists of a single tube 
of rectangular section (1 inch by 1*4 inch) and 4 inches in length. At one end 
of the tube is an eye-piece with a lens, and in the other end are two rectangular 
apertures, side by side. Surrounding one of the apertures is a sheath or pocket 
into which one of the 
standard-coloured glasses 
(Fig. 6, a) is dropped. 
The bottom of the 
rectangular tube is ex- 
tended about 2 inches 
beyond the end of the 
tube, where it is turned 
up nearly at right angles. 
On one side of this up- 
wardly projecting piece 
is pasted a strip of white 
paper to form the white 
surface opposite the 
coloured glass ; and on 
the other side is a rect- 
angular opening which 
is placed over the hair, the eye, or the skin whose pigment is to be measured. 

For ordinary field observations on hair colours it is sufficient to have seven 
categories, namely, light aud dark red, fair, ash blonde, light brown, dark brown, and 
jet black. Glasses have been made up of three elements to represent the central 
colours of these seven groups. In determining the position in the scale of a given 
hair, the tnrned-up end of the instrument is pressed against the lock of hair or the 
coiffure of the subject. Standard glasses are then placed in succession in the pocket 
of the instrument until the best match is obtained. The name or number of this 
glass gives the correct position of the hair colour in the standard scale. Evidently 
the larger the number of standard glasses used the greater is the precision of the 

For eye and skin colours separate series of standard glasses should be made up 
from a standard series of eyes, or skins, in the same way as has been done for the 

Mr. Lovibond has suggested that glasses representing colours complementary to 
those observed might be used, in which case the coloured object would be looked at 
through the glasses till one was found which gave the minimum amount of colour. 

[ 57 

Fig. 6. 

No. 27.] 



Table of Analysis of Colours of Locks of Hair by the Tintometer. 

Hair Colours. 










































3 3 










• YeUow. 























































































Glasses used for the Measurements. 












































































































[ 58 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nob. 28-29. 

Solomon Islands. Reld. 

Decorated Maces flrom the Solomon Islands. By Professor R, W. All 

Reid, M.D. fcO 

In the last issue of Man, March 1908, Baron von Hiigel describes two decorated 
maces from the Solomon Islands and says that he can only trace six other examples, 
and that these are contained in museums in London, Dresden, and Sydney. 

It will be of interest to state that there is shown in the Anthropological Museum 
of the University of Aberdeen a beautiful and perfect specimen from Saa, Melanta or 
Malaita, Solomon Islands, lent to the museum by Sir William Macgregor, G.C.M.G., 
C.B., M.D., LL.D., formerly Administrator of British New Guinea and now Governor 
of Newfoundland. 

This mace or sceptre is fully described and figured by Professor Enrico H. Giglioli 
in Arch, per VAntrop,, Firenze, Vol. XXVIII., 1898. R. W. REID. 

Folklore. Partridge. 

The KliilniT of the Divine Klnir. By C. Partridge, M.A., F.S.A., OQ 
F.R.G.S,, District Commissioner in Southern Nigeria. £U 

As a further illustration of Professor Westermarck's interesting article,* I beg 
to contribute an extract from my Cross River Natives (Hutchinson & Co., 1905), 
p. 200 et seq. The Cross River flows from the German protectorate of Kamerun, 
through the eastern parts of Southern Nigeria, into the Calabar estuary and Gulf 
of Guinea. 

Etatin is an Atam village on the right bank of the Cross River, just above the 
mouth of the Aweyong, and about 160 miles above Calabar. '*It is a small compact 
*' town with huge boulders of dark basaltic stone on its beach. The head-chiefs 
" compound stands rather back from the river, on ground well above the high-water 
** mark of the rainy season. Hearing that Chief Ekpei Mbei was forbidden by native 
*^ custom to leave his compound, I set aside the usual etiquette, and visited him 
" there (16 December, 1903). The people made no difficulty about my seeing their 
" semi-divine ruler, and the minor chiefs and many other men and boys accompanied 
^^ me and squatted on the ground during my interview with him. The back and 
" sides of the compound are formed by the huts of his household, but the front or 
" fourth side, which faces the river, consists of only a low rough fence, so that those 
" living within can easily see the river and the passing canoes. In the middle of 
" this enclosure is the chiefs 'palace,' a round hut with an entrance at one end. 
** Its conical roof is surmounted by a human skull, and all round, between the eaves 
** and the top of the low clay wail, there is an open space, so that the interior is 
*' quite visible from outside, and those inside can see all that takes place in the 
" compound. Mud couches occupy two sides of this hut. About a score of human 
" skulls hang all round, and a big bunch of them is suspended from the roof at 
" the back, where also are two big wooden jujus and several smaller ones hanging 
" from the rafters. In another place are hanging a crocodile's jaw-bones. On the 
*' ground, at the foot of the chiefs couch, are arranged certain regal or juju insignia — 
" a small wooden figure between two buflTalo's horns, a curious knife, and a large 
** earthen pot. He spends the whole day here, but sleeps at night in one of the 
" huts of the outer circle. When I entered, Ekpei Mbei was reclining on a mat. 
'^ He is an old, rather good-looking man, with a gentle, pleasant expression on his 
** face. He wore a blue loin-cloth and red stocking-cap. His grey beard has a long 
" twisted tuft of hair hanging down in front. During the interview he sat on his 
" clay couch, his bare feet resting on two highly-polished human skulls half-imbedded 
** in the floor. Two similar skulls were near the entrance. He seemed pleased to 

* Man, 1908, 9. 
[ 59 ] 

Ko. 29.] MAN. (1908. 

'^ see me, and was quite willing to talk about himself and to answer any questions 
" put to him. * The whole town,' he said, ' forced me to be head-chief. They hanged 
" 'our big juju' (the buflfalo's horns) 'round my neck. Had I refused, I should have 
" ' had to give them the value of two slaves. It is an old custom that the head-chief 
" ' here shall never leave his compound. I have been shut up ten years, but, being 
" ' an old man, I don't miss my freedom. I am the oldest man of the town, and 
" ' they keep me here to look after the jujus, and to conduct the rites celebrated 
" ' when women are about to give birth to children, and other ceremonies of the same 
" ' kind. By the observance and performance of these ceremonies, I bring game to 
" ' the hunter, cause the yam crop to be good, bring fish to the fisherman, and make 
" ' rain to fall. So they bring me meat, yams, fish, etc. To make rain, I drink 
" ' water, and squirt it out, and pray to our big deities. If I were to go outside 
" ' this compound, I should fall down dead on returning to this hut. My wives cut 
" ' my hair and nails, and take great care of the parings. I have married twenty-five 
" ' women ; five are now living.' While he talked, a very attentive wife crouched 
" behind him just outside the hut, and prompted him and put him right in his 
" replies. I examined the two big wooden jujus. They are sections of tree-trunks 
" hollowed out and elaborately carved outside into successive circles of the lozenge 
" and chevron patterns. The front is meant to represent a human face — an 0-shaped 
" aperture filled in with great wooden teeth, and, above it, a nose and two eyes. 
" At each side there are rectangular apertures for the arms. Both these jujus are 
" surmounted by figures of a hippopotamus and a monkey of one piece with the 
" lower part of the wood. There are four smaller jujus of similar design, three of 
" which are surmounted by what looks like a dog's figure, and the fourth by a hippo. 
" On being questioned about the contents of his hut the old chief answered, ' I found 
" ' these skulls here when I came. They are those of people killed in war by our 
" ' forefathers. The other Atam towns do not acknowledge me — each has its own 
" ' chief. When the king of this town dies, the big wooden jujus are put over men's 
" ' heads, and they dance, and women carry the smaller ones on the top of poles.* 
" On my asking if two of his people might put on the bigger jujus and dance before 
" me, Ekpei Mbei and his subjects were quite alarmed. He said that if the towns- 
" people, or any of my men, or even I myself, were to put the jujus over our heads, 
" he would certainly, die, for they were never used except at the death of tho 
" head-chief." 

It seems not improbable that, just as the Sultan of Morocco's sanctity was, it 
seems, "considered to be inherent in the throne" (Professor Westermarck, p. 23), and 
as, in some parts of the Malay region, the regalia are, it appears, "regarded as 
" wonder-working talismans or fetishes, the possession of which carries with it the 
" right to the throne" (ibid, ^ footnote §), and as, among the Yoruba of West Africa 
[Lagos], " a miraculous virtue seems to be attributed to the royal crown " (ibid,)^ so 
the transference of sanctity from oue head-chief of Etatin to another may have been 
carried out by the hanging of their " big juju " (the buffalo's horns) round the new 
ruler's neck. " * The whole town,' he said, ' forced me to be head-chief. They 
"' hanged our big juju' (the buffalo's horns) 'round my neck.'" 

In connection with this transference of sanctity, it should be noted that, in some 
parts of West Africa, a new ruler is not considered to have begun his reign until his 
predecessor's body has been buried, for they hold that there cannot be two chiefs 
above ground at the same time. The corpse of the Atta Am Aga of Igaraland 
(River Niger), whose burial I attended in 1902, had been kept eighteen months 
unburied pending the choice of his successor.* Up the Cross River, " bodies are 

* S^ii " The Burial of the Atta of Igamlaud and the • Coronation ' of his Successor" in Blackwood'* 
Magazine for September, 1904, pages 329-337. 

[ 60 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nob. 29-80. 

*' thus preserved several months before being buried. Probably the reason is that 
*' they like to keep their former head-chiefs body above ground until his successor 
*' has been elected, the interregnum not being so noticeable if they can still view 
*' the body" {Cross River Natives, p. 240). C. PARTRIDGE. 


Prance : Apcheeologry. Villeneuve : Vemeau : Boule. 

Les Grottes de Grimaldi {Baousse-Rousse), Par L. de Villeneuve, R. Verneau QA 
et M. Boule. Monaco, 1906. Three parts. Pp. 70, 156, 212. 36 x 28 cm. UU 

Quaternary man of the Mediterranean receives in these large folios a memorial 
as lasting as it is valuable. He has been recalled " from the vasty deep " with 
such success, that not only do we know much concerning his physical appearance, 
his surroundings, and manner of life, we even obtain some glimpse into the working 
of his mind. This fortunate state of affairs is partly due to the happy chance 
whereby the caves in which he lived remained sealed down to an age when archaeology 
had been gathered to the exact sciences, partly due to the careful nature and exhaustive 
record of the excavations. 

The grottoes are first described as regards their formation, position, and appearance, 
while an historical account is furnished of the changes they have undergone since 
Roman times. The deposits in the caves are next considered ; they are shown to 
be extensive and stratigraphically continuous. Deep in the deposits surfaces can be 
recognised which, from the presence of cinders, flakes, or bones, give evidence of the 
presence of man. The fauna of the caves is described and classified according to 
the level at which it is found. 

A full account is given of the discussion which arose as to the date of the 
deposits ; the presence of remains of the reindeer in the highest layers proving that 
the deposits were properly ascribed by Riviere to the Quaternary period. 

The site includes eight caves and one rock shelter ; it has yielded the remains 
of some twenty individuals. With two exceptions they conform to a common type 
and bear a close resemblance to the skeletons from Cro-Magnon. Leaving the 
exceptions out of consideration for the present, the skulls from these caves are 
dysharmonic, the crania being long, the face low and wide. The nose is leptorhine 
and projects sharply from the plane of the face ; the orbits are rectangular and 
microseme ; the supraciliary eminences are faintly developed ; the chin is prominent. 
The thorax is remarkably wide above, the proportions of lower limb to upper limb, 
of forearm to arm, and leg to thigh are high. In these proportions an approximation 
is made to the negro. The clavicle is long, compared to the humerus, which is 
short, the radius is flattened antero-posteriorly above the insertion of the pronator 
radii teres. The asperities on the humerus suggest great muscular development. 
The femur is pilastered, the tibia platycnemic, the fibula channelled ; the patella is 
large, indicating unusual size of the quadriceps extensor. The metacarpals are long, 
the fingers short ; the metatarsals and toes are of medium length. The prominence 
of the heel is exaggerated. The stature is high ; the highest recorded was 1*94 m., 
the average of five males was 1 • 87 metres or 6 feet 1 inch. 

The two skeletons which form the exceptions differ so much, in the opinion of 
Dr. Vemeau, from the other skeletons as to constitute a separate type, which he has 
named the Grimaldi type. The skulls are dysharmonic, but the nose is platyrhine, 
the face markedly prognathous and the chin fuyant. The stature is, moreover, low. 
Before accepting Dr. Verneau's separation it must be premised that the skeletons are 
those of an old woman and a boy ; further, the skulls were crushed, necessitating 
repair. For these reasons the value of stature is discounted and the presence in so 
marked a form of platvrhinity and prognathism may be questioned. It is interesting, 

[ 01 ] 

No8. 30-31.] MAN. [1908. 

however, to observe that the two skeletons are the most ancient human remains 
recovered from these caves. The teeth of the boy are noteworthy. They are very 
voluminous, the molars surpassing in length even those of the Australian. 

From the archaeological section of the work we learn that burial customs were 
already introduced. 

In Europe quaternary sites of so extensive a nature as that of Grimaldi are 
few ; it is all the more hnportant that when discovered they should be examined 
with scientific accuracy. In this instance anthropologists and archaeologists are to be 
congratulated on the excellent way in which the work of excavation has been done, 
and on the sumptuous manner in which the results have been recorded. W. W. 

Java. Jaoobson : van Hasselt 

De Gong 'Fahrica tie te Semarang \^Die Verfertiguug der Gong in Sema Qi 
rang"]. By Edw. Jacobson en J. H. van Hasselt. (Publicatie nit 's Rijks Ul 
Ethnographisch Museum, Serie II., No. 15.) Leiden : E. J. Brill, 1907. Pp. vi-|-64, 
12 Plates. 33 x 25 cm. 

The manufacture of gongs is one of the most important native industries of Java, 
for large numbers are exported to other islands of the Malay Archipelago where they 
are highly prized on account of their admirable workmanship and melodious tones. In 
Borneo, and doubtless elsewhere also, these gongs pass as currency, are received in 
exchange for jungle produce and are paid to defray fines imposed by chieftains or by 
European magistrates, in Sarawak the Javanese gong ranges in value from 30 to 100 
Mexican dollars, whereas the value of the Chinese or of the home-made article is very 
small indeed. The gongs made in Borneo are cast by a cire-pcrdue process, and, though 
those formerly made in Brunei are most elaborately and beautifully decorated, their 
tone is of poor quality and resonance. 

The authors of the memoir under notice describe with a wealth of detail the 
whole process of gong-making from the smelting of the bronze to the tuning of the 
finished instrument. The metal is an alloy of 100 parts of copper to thirty parts 
of tin and is smelted in an open hearth with charcoal. Blasts of air are driven ou 
to the furnaces by means of a primitive type of bellows composed of a long bamboo 
tube with a large downwardly-directed nozzle of clay and lime at one end and a slit 
bag of goatskin at the other. A workman manipulates the goatskin bag with hands 
and knees so as to force at regular intervals a strong current of air through the bamboo 
and its clay nozzle on to the furnace. This is quite a different form of bellows from 
the double bamboo-cylinder and feather-piston type which is used in every other part 
of Malaya and we may have reason to suspect that it is an importation, though an 
ancient one, from India. The metal is smelted twice and then poured into a rough 
dish-like mould, whence it is transferred to another open furnace and manipulated by 
the master smith or " pandji." From time to time the white-hot metal is lifted from 
the furnace and laid on a stone anvil, where it is hammered into shape ; a large 
gong is heated and reheated 150 times before it acquires its final shape. Flaws in 
the metal are repaired by an ingenious cire-perdue process. The gongs are finally 
made true and symmetrical with the help of simple yet quite effective appliances, and 
are tuned by hammering and by filing away part of the central boss, which is so 
characteristic a feature of Javanese gongs. 

The cost of making the gongs of various sizes, the different shapes that are 
made, the places to which they are exported, all this is set forth by the authors. 
They omit, however, to say if any religious or magical ceremonies are connected with 
the craft, or if any particular odour of sanctity surrounds the craftsmen. That such 
was once tlie case seems likely enough, if there is anything in the view that the 
Javanese are Indonesians at a higher grade of culture than, let us say, the Kenvahs 

[ 62 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nos. 31-38. 

of Borneo. Amongst the Kenyahs and Kayans all craftsmen are nnder the protection 
of definite tutelary spirits, and some, such as the tatu artists, are subjected to various 
tabus. It is doubtless the case that the Javanese have forgotten most of the ancient 
lore and traditions connected with the making of gongs, but perhaps relics remain, and 
they could be brought to light by judicious enquiry. 

The memoir is printed in Dutch and German in parallel columns, and is supplied 
with twelve most admirable plates, reproduced from photographs of the gong-smiths 
at work, of the gongs in all stages of manufacture, and of the tools that are used. 

The literary output of the Leiden Ethnographical Museum is considerable, and 
this, its latest efibrt, is well up to the high standard set by previous memoirs. It is 
melancholy to reflect that neither in England nor in our colonies do we attempt to rival 
these valuable publications. R. SHELFORD. 

A£rloa, South. Theal. 

History and Ethnography of Africa^ south of the Zambesi^ from the Settle- QA 
tnent of the Portuguese at Sofala in September^ 1505, to the conquest of the U£i 
Cape Colony by the British in September^ 1795. By George McCall Theal, Litt.D., 
LL.D. VoL /. The Portuguese in South Africa from 1505 to 1700. London : Swan 
Sonnenscbeui & Co., 1907. Pp. xxiii + 501. 22 x 14 cm. Price 7*. 6rf. 

Dr. Theal's History of South Africa has long been known as the most com- 
prehensive storehouse of information and the best guide to original authorities on his 
subject in existence. It is regrettable to find that his documentary researches have 
been cut short, and that the work will never be as complete as he intended to make it, 
but this is no depreciation of its positive merits. In the new edition. Dr. Theal has 
incorporated The Portuguese in South Africa^ originally an independent volume, with 
the main body of his History^ which is to consist of two divisions, three volumes of 
History and Ethnography^ and ^\g of the History of South Africa under the British 
Government, The increased attention devoted to the native races, originally passed 
over with comparative brevity, is responsible for this expansion of the Portuguese. In 
the volume before us a chapter apiece is devoted to the Bushmen and the Hottentots, 
five to the Bantu, one to the interesting and as yet insufficiently examined subject of 
^* Arab and Persian Settlements in South-eastern Africa,*' and the remainder to the 
record of Eiu'opean explorations and settlements down to the abandonment of Delagoa 
Bay by the Portuguese at the end of the seventeenth century. The extent of ground 
covered is thus seen to be very large, and Dr. Theal's previous work is a guarantee for 
the minute and patient industry with which the details are filled in. With regard to 
the origin of the Bantu he wisely refrains from committing himself to a theory. " The 
^ question has not advanced beyond speculation, for no research connected with the 
^^ present inhabitants of South Africa has brought us with absolute certainty nearer to 
^ the cradle of the various families, or given any clue to the origin of man himself.'* 

Whether or not it is likely that " our present knowledge may one day be vastly 
** increased by the discovery and publication of Arabic records," it is highly desirable 
that research with a view to such discovery should be made wherever practicable. The 
author recognises (p. 72) the importance of hlonipa as a possible agent in linguistic 
differentiation. Some points of detail might be contested, or, at best, seem open to an 
interpretation different from that given to them, but this does not affect the cordial 
welcome which must be extended to the volume. A. WERNER. 

Canada. Bradley. 

Canada in the Twentieth Century. By A. G. Bradley. Popular edition, with QQ 
50 illustrations. London: Constable. Pp. xv + '^28. 22x14 cm. Price 5^. ^^ 

Canada is attracting so much attention at the present time owing to the mar- 
vellous progress the Dominion has imule in everv direction during the past few vears, 

[ 63 ] ' 

Nos. 83-34.] MAN. (1908. 

that Mr. A. G. Bradley's Canada in the Twentieth Century^ of which a popular 
edition was not long since published, will well repay perusal. The author takes his 
reader across the entire continent from Quebec to Vancouver, halting by the way at 
various points of interest to give a brief sketch of the agricultural, commercial, and 
social condition of each state and town. His account of the various races which go 
to make up the heterogeneous population of Canada forms one of the most interesting 
portions of the book, and his picture of the French " habitant," who scarcely knows 
a word of English, and who staunchly keeps up his old national customs is true to 
the life. But is Mr. Bradley quite correct in stating that the "vernacular" is of 
Norman origin ? We have been told by French-speaking Canadians that it is mainly 
of Breton extraction, at least in the vicinity of Quebec. 

The other racial units are no less ably described : for instance, the old-fashioned 
Ontario farmer-settler, a figure of a century ago. Turning to the newer regions of 
Canada, the author devotes his attention to such up-to-date towns as Winnipeg, Calgary, 
Vancouver, etc. Especially valuable is his advice to young men who are thinking of 
going out to settle on the land. He plainly tells the would-be " tenderfoot " that the 
life is full of hardships, that success is only to be obtained by strict self-denial and 
hard work such as can scarcely be realised in England. Moreover, he strongly urges 
that the " gentleman emigrant " should be sent out young, if possible straight from 
school, and thinks any preliminary training in English farming worse than useless ; 
"far better let him get his training in the country he is destined to do business in." 
There is very little doubt that much misconception exists on these points among 
English people, and that many lives and careers have been wrecked by the idea that 
the settler in Canada has only to scratch the ground to make his fortune. The fact, 
also, that so many black sheep of the family have been sent to the Dominion to work 
out their redemption and have hopelessly failed, has in a great measure set Canadian 
opinion against a certain class of young man immigrant, and has proved a serious 
hindrance to many earnest workers and desirable would-be colonists. The book is 
brightly written and is fully and appropriately illustrated. T. H. J. 


A NOTABLE pioneer and anthropologist has passed away in the person of Dr. A. Q J 
W. Howitt, C.M.G., whose death followed close on that of his great collabo- UT 
rator. Dr. Lorimer Fison. As a pioneer Dr. Howitt was well known as the leader of 
the Burke-Wills Search Expedition in 1861, which resulted in the rescue of John 
King. As an anthropologist he was chiefly noted for his two works, Kamilaroi and 
Kurnai and The Natives of South- East Australia^ but he also contributed papers to 
the transactions of learned societies, and many appeared in the Journal of the Royal 
Anthropological Institute^ of which he had been an Honorary Fellow for some years. 

The death is announced on March 16th of Professor Gustav Oppert, the authority on 
Hebrew, Sanskrit, and Indian languages. Born in 1836, Professor Oppert in 1870 
proceeded to England and first worked at the Bodleian Library', where he catalogued the 
Hebrew MS. collections. From 1872 to 1894 he held the Sanskrit chair at Madras 
University, and in 1895 accepted the Professorship of Indian Aryan and non- Aryan 
tongues at Berlin University. He had been a Fellow of the Royal Anthropological 
Institute from its foundation, having joined the Ethnological Society in 1869. 

Mr. J. F. Hewitt, late of the Bengal Civil Service, died on March 14th at the age of 
seventy-two. He was the author of The Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times in India 
and of The History and Chronology of the Myfh-mahing Age. 

Printed by Bybb and Spottiswoodb, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 

Fig I.— grave is group near the 


F»G. 2. GRAVE Xr» 

Fig. 3.— grave xx, SHOwrNG stonks at ends, pottery-covered bottom, 



1908.] MAN. [No. 85. 

America, North. With Plate E. Buslmell. 

Primitive Sait-maklnir in the Mississippi Valley. {See Max, 4C 
1907, 13.) Bi/ David /. Bushnell, Jtinr. ^^ 

In a former article (Man, 1907, 13) the writer described an ancient site, discovered 
in 1902 near the village of Kimmswick, Jefferson county, Missouri. But, on account of 
the limited space, it was only possible to refer briefly to the material found in the 
main excavation. 

The object of the present paper is to show the difference existing between the 
pottery from near the spring in the lowland, and that found on the higher ground : 
also to refer to the groups of stone and pottery-lined graves on the same site. 

A general plan is given in Fig. 4. That portion of the main excavation, which 
is represented in solid black, was shown in detail as Fig. 1 in the previous article. 

The small excavation in the lowland near the spring extended about 25 feet 
from north to south, beginning at the foot of the bluff. It was carried down to the 
undisturbed clay, which was encountered at a depth of 4^ feet at the north end of 
the trench and 3J feet at the south end. Resting upon the clay was a stratum, some 
18 inches in thickness, composed of large fragments of earthen vessels, some fresh- 
water shells and animal bones, intermixed with wood ashes, charred wood and mould, 
resembling the superstratum on the upper area, already described. 

The sherds were parts of large shallow vessels or " pans '' with rounded bottoms, 
which, if entire, would have measured from 20 to 30 inches or more in diameter. 
Covering this substratum was a mass of earth and sand which may bo attributed partly 
to the alluvial deposits left by the creek during the season of high water and partly to 
the " wash " from the higher ground. 

The large vessels, as well as the quantity of sherds found in the main excavation, 
were smooth on both sides, but all the fragments from the excavation near the spring 
showed on the outer surface the impression of woven or braided cloth of various degrees 
of coarseness. Not one example of " smooth " pottery was discavered in the lower 
excavation, although a few pieces were found on the present surface at the foot of the 
bluff, while others were scattered near a fire-bed, also near the foot of the bluff, but 
covered with a few inches of earth washed down from above. The finding of the two 
kinds of pottery in separate and distinct deposits and not intermixed, is evidence of two 
periods during which the site was occupied or visited. It is also evident that of the 
two the cloth-marked variety from near the spring is much the older. The flow of 
water from the spring is, at the present time, quite small, but probably during the 
days in which the cloth-marked pottery was made and used, and even subsequent to 
that time, it was somewhat greater, as the deposits of alluvial have covered pottery 
and spring alike, and much of its water may soak through and flow into the creek, 
without coming to the surface. 

Theoretically the impression of cloth on the outer surfaces of the vessels resulted 
from the manner in which they were made. Probably a depression was first formed in 
the earth or sand the size and form of the desired vessel. The hollow was lined with 
cloth over which was then spread a thin layer of clay previously mixed with pulverised 
shell and sufficient water to make it of the proper consistency. When dry and taken 
from the mould the cloth would be removed, the impression of which, however, would 
remain on the exterior surface of the vessel. 

As indicated on the general plan, three groups of graves were discovered on the 
site. The group on the slope towards the south-east and also that in the lowland near 
the creek, appear to have been quite extensive, but, as the surface above them has been 
cultivated for many years and as the graves were originally quite shallow, all have been 

[ 05 ] 

No. 35.] MAN. [1908. 

either badly damaged or de:<troyed by the plough. All, however, were evidently lined 
and covered with thin slabs of limestone. 

Fortunately the third and most interesting group had never been disturbed, and all 
the graves, twenty-two in number, were examined. The relative position of this group 
is shown on the general plan (Fig. 4), while a detailed drawing is reproduced in Fig. 5. 
The group proved to be of unusual interest as the sides and bottoms of many of the 
graves were formed of fragments of large earthen vessels, which is quite unusual. The 
fragments so employed were parts of the smooth variety of salt pans, no cloth-marked 
sherds having been found ; consequently the graves of this group should be attributed to 
the people by whom the salt pans, found in the main excavation, were made and used. 
In the following description "pottery bottoms" and "pottery sides" refer to the 
fragments of large vessels used in the construction of the graves : — 

I. Stone at head, pottery bottom. Contained two skulls and many bones. Length 
4 feet 2 inches. 

II. Stones at ends, pottery sides and bottom. Contained traces of bones. Length 
3 feet, width 1 foot, depth 1 1 inches. 

III. Stone sides and ends, pottery bottom, contained skeleton, resting on back, 
right leg crossing the left below knee. One small bowl on right side near head. Head 
N.W. Length 6 feet 4 inches, width 1 foot 6 inches. The bowl is shown in Fig. 6, 
half size. 

IV. Stone at head, also large stone covering the skull, bones scattered. Contained 
four small bowls, two on either side of skull, also chipped blade 5 inches in length 
under the skull. 

V. Stone sides and ends, two layers of pottery on bottom. Large stone covered 
south end, resting upon the side and end stones. Contained many bones upon which 
rested two skulls, face to face, between them, a shallow earthen dish. Leugth 2 feet 
8 inches, width 1 foot 3 inches. 

VI. Pottery sides, ends and bottom. Contained traces of extended skeleton. 
Length 4 feet 6 inches. 

VII. Pottery sides, ends and bottom. Contained traces of extended skeleton. 
Length 4 feet 4 inches. 

VIII. Stone sides, ends and bottom. Contained four radii and four ulnae, no 
other bones. Also eight finely worked bone implements, and a perforated disc of 
wood, discoloured by, and showing traces of, a thin sheet of copper, shown in Fig. 7, 
half size. Length 2 feet 6 inches, width 11 inches, depth about 1 foot. 

IX. Pottery sides, bottom and cuds ; one stone covered the entire grave. Con- 
tained one skull and many bones. Two small bowls between skull and end of grave. 
Length about 3 feet. 

X. End stones and two on north side remained ; hillside washed away, exposing 
the stones. No bones. 

XI. ^'tone sides and ends. Contained two skeletons, one placed above the other, 
separated by a layer of slabs of limestone extending from the shoulders to the feet. 
The photograph (Fig. 2, Plate E) shows the upper skeleton exposed and also a part 
of the skull of the lower skeleton. Length 6 feet 3 inches, width I foot 9 inches, 
depth 1 foot 8 inches. Head west. 

XII. Stone ends, pottery bottom. Contained traces of small skeleton extended. 
Also two snuill bowls, one on either side of head. Length about 5 feet. 

XIIL Stone sides and ends. Contained traces of bones, apparently not an extended 
skeleton. Length about 5 feet. 

XIV. Pottery sides, ends and lM)ttom. Was reduced in size (sec plan). Contained 
scattered bones, upon which rested a skull at the north end and a small bowl at the 
south end. 

[ 6G ] 



[No. 35. 

XV. Pottery sides and ends. Contained small skeleton extended. Length 4 feet. 

XVI. Stone sides and ends. Contained two skulls and scattered bones. Length 
2 feet inches, width 1 foot 4 inches. 

XVII. Pottery top and Ijottora. Contained traces of bones. Also one earthen 
-dish between skull and end of grave. Length about 4 feet. 

XVIII. Pottery top and bottom. Contained traces of bones. Also one small 
bowl. Length about 4 feet. 

XIX. Pottery bottom. Contained traces of a small skeleton, extended. Length 
about 4 feet. 

XX. Stone ends, pottery bottom. No traces of bones. Contained a large rect- 
angular piece of galena. Length about 3 feet 10 inches (Fig. 3, Plate E). 

Fig. 4.— plan of the kimmswick site, 1902, showing bxcavations. 

XXI. Stone ends, pottery bottom. Contained three skulls resting upon many 
l>ones. Length 3 feet 4 inches. 

XXII. i^ottery bottom. Contained traces of small skeleton, extended. Length 
about 4 feet. 

The short graves usually contained the bones of one or more adults ; the flesh, 
however, had evidently been removed before they were placed in the graves, this was 
not an uncommon custom among certain tribes. 

The heads of all the graves in this group were placed between N. 5^ W. and 
S. 80° W. (magnetic), 

[ 67 ] 

No. 35.] 



All the fragments of pottery found in the excavations and on the surface, and 
likewise the salt-pans, were composed of clay mixed with pulverised shell ; but the 
small earthen bowls and ' dishes found in the graves were composed solely of clay, 

neither pulverised shell nor sand being used as an admix- 
ture, nor do they appear to have been well baked. Evidently 
they were made especially to be placed in the graves. 

The woo<len disc and eight bone objects found in 

grave VIII may have belonged to a feather ornament of some 

sort. Slender strips of bone were often bound to the shaft 



■..y-V'. Twr 

"xvr M\^v^ 



stone: • 




of large feathers, and thin perforated discn of wood, similar to the specimen from the 
grave, were found by the writer in use among the Ojibways at Mille Lac, Minnesota. 
Two narrow strips of buckskin were attached to the end of the quill of an eagle's 
feather ; the two strips then passed through the perforation in one of the discs and 
were tied to the head-band, thus the feather was free to fall in any direction. 

The graves and all objects found on the upper area — including the salt-pans — were 
uncpiestionably made by the Shawnees, or rather a branch of that tribe. This may also 
be true of the cloth marked pottery from near the spring. The ancient home of the 
Shawnee tribe is thought by Dr. Cyrus Thomas to have been in central Tennessee, 
where the vast cemeteries of stone-lined graves are evidence that during past centuries 

[ C8 1 



[No. 35. 

KiG. fi. ruTTKllV RfiiWL FROM 

tlmt region wa:^ thickly peopleiL Later, fronj rlie valley of tho Tonnossoo they scrtrtt'red 
towards the* north and eant, others went iiorth-woi^twiird and up th»> ritrhi hunk of the 
Mis8irtt*ippi iieiirly to the Missouri. 

Cenieteriffi of stone-Hnod graves occur throughout the Shniv^Dee couutiy^ aud in 
serenU localitiept fi-agineut?* of huge earthen pan?* 
have been found asod in the place of ^tone hi 
the coniitruction of the grave!*. The tribe ik abo 
known to have been great salt-makeri*, and various' 
places have 1»een discovered where, iti the vieinity 
of salt spnngf?^, large qnantities of broken *' pans* " 
similar to tho^e found at Kimmswick occur scattered 
over the i?nrface. Consequently the Klinm.'iwick 
site conforms in all respectt4 with the known 
Shawnee sites, and as Biich it should be regard eth 

Subsequent to the work on the Kimuiswiek 
site thirteen adiiitioual groups of stone-liued graven 
were discox'ered in the northern part of Jett'ert^on 
county, and there are prolmhly many more wbieli 
have not been located. The majority of the groups did not include more than ten 
or twelve burials, and those which were opened contnrned traces of entire skeletons ; 
that is, no** bundled burials'' wera enconritereib although in some all evidence of the 
hones had disappeared. 

A small grcup was discovered f* "^ - ^ ♦! 

uear the mouth of Dry Creek, 
which empties into Big River, in 
the western part of the county. 
They were in a slightly elevated 
mound which, ul though probablv 
natural, had tlie appeoianee (jf 
having formerly lieen somewha! 
higher, as the surface had been 
♦cultivated for some years, and u^ 
n result of rhe plouglnug many 
oi the ttip, side, and end stones oF 
the graves had been removed. 

The first grave opened w»t^ 
5 feet in length, and in it were 
found three chipped chert imple- 
ments, one chert nodule, and a 
large marme shell — S^eot^/putt 
per versus. Four wisdom teeth 
were din-overed in ttie ;?hell, lint 
no other human remains were in 
the grave. Beneath this grave, at 
« depth of alKJUi 4 feet below the 
surface, was another stonc-litjed 
grave or cist i feet in lenglh and 
1 foot 3 inches in width, which, 
however, contained no traces of Iwjiies. Five other graves were openeil, in one a small 
pottery bowl was found, but no indications of bones remained in any one of them* 

The most extensive group discovered during the explorwti<ni was some four miles 
north of the Kimmswiek site, near the right bank of the Aleramac Hiver anil about 

r m ] 

Ria, 7.— wooDEjf mm covKaEO w 



Hoa. 35-36.] 



three miles from the Mis8isf*ippi. The largest ^nive opened is s^bowtuFig. 1, Plate E) ; 
the camera was poiutiiiij^ downward at an angle of 45 degrees*. The lieutl of the grave 
was towards tlie east. Evidently a rather exteniiive village once stood on the level area 
between the graves on the noiiLh and the Merainac on the tiorth, as a great nninber of 
exceptionally well-cliipped tltnt implementa and quantities of hroken pottery may be 
picketl \i\i on the surface, which nnfortnnately ha.n been cultivated for many year^*. But 
tiie entire region in worthy of careful and f^ystematic examination which wouKl 
nmioubtedly result in tlie fiudliig of much valuable and iutere^^ttng material, 

t>. L lU'SlINELL, Jlnh. 

Africa: Sudan. Thompson. 

The Ancient Goldmines at Qeb#t in the Eastern Sudan, lit/ R, ^Q 

CamphrU, ALA.. FJLG.S, uD 

VV^hile Iravelling* in 1WK>, from Sawakin towardfii D<}r-Aheb in the Ked Sea pro- 
TiDce of tho Sudan, I passed throiigli the minea Rt Geht^t, a distance of eight or 

nine day^' camel 
journey. The^e 
were visited by 
Theoilore Bent in 
his travels*, hut 
as numy more of 
the old workings 
have been opencrl 
up since his, 
it may V»e worth 
whilo to dcscril>e 
them. I am in- 
ilebted to the 
courlet^y of Mr. 
Noel Grirtin and 
hiis as^istJinte on 
tlie tncwlern work- 
ing?^ for many 
plea:aant recollec- 
tions of the 

Fia. L— HANOttAMA or OK»ET KINIIS. idarC, 

Sawakin itself in one fif tho few eantern towns in the Sudan : the houses are 
frec|neutly huilt with carvcil overhanging windows, s^ucli a:* are rarely to \\e seen m 
the inoit? African towns tiouth of the border line of Egypt, and tho haxar i» of the 
ordinary Egyptian type. I wa;? able to buy in one of the shops aliout 5(H) snniU 
cornelian arrowheads strung as necklaces, which were saiil to come from Arabia* 
These were probably never used except ii^ amulets. 

From Sawakin our route lav hv Port Sudan, at that time onlv a collection of huts. 
When I returned six months later it hiul grown enonnously, with stone buildings 
springing up, and the railway to Sawakin fini^herl. The terrain is, of cimr&c, sand, whicli 
makes a Ijek of flat land between the sea and the great mouniain ranges, which lie a 
d»y*6 jouruey from flie oonet, runnitig parallel to the lied Sea. Our caravan worked u^ 
into these, passing through ihc r^andy khors and wadies, which arc full of thorn scrub. 
Khor Arbat is one of the most impoifaut. ad it contains a stream of running water 
during the winter, which disappears in the sands long liefore it reaches the sea* 
Occaiiionally one may find snipe and some kind of duck hero ; rarely n green king- 
fisher and hoopoe i htit there are many rock pigeons in the clefts of Jehel Heruno, 

■[ 70 ] 



[No« 36. 

Fig. 2.— watkr pool at ancient mikes. fieafiT. 

ami cjuautities of sainl gicMi^n vtmm lo water there. From here for thirly or forty 

Tiiilof* ii|» to tlie Dtir*Erhii plutean, a (Jet^ert of two tUiys' jouniey aerois*, the eotmlry 

cmiiiistB of bare _^ 

jfninite moiin- « 

tains, maguificent 

ami impressivis 

with p*nliwny^ 

wiudiiig over the 

mainly vallcy^i be- 
tween fhoTu, The 

iiiniii ranges are 

E r U a » • O «1 u , 

GtitriEulribaKf Hiid 

Hawilti, and tlie 

b T I I H e e H i4 e 

ubniptly a I the 

edge of tlje Dur- 

E r I HI d e tiert , >¥ b ie h 

eon rains eompura- 

tiveiy low knolU 

and spurw. Be* 

ynnd ihiH lies? 

(iebet, aud here 

I ho liigb nigged 

hill8 begin again. The mines lie in a dip amid these hills, and the old workings are 

\ery exten.sive. The ground is honeycombed and burrowed with the rnnnellings of 

the ancient ndner;*, although the jinrfaee evidence woirld not lead to the &ni>ptJi^rtion 

that they are ^o 
nnmeron& a^ they 
are in reality. 
But underneath 
there is a great 
network of tan- 
neU, isome of 
wliirh liave been 
ni»ened up by the 
modern company 
which wan work- 
ing there when I 
pai?>*ed tlirongh, 
while oiliert*, al- 
though passable, 
are fref|uently half 
bltieked liy tlie 
fftU of bits of 
the roof or walls. 
The tunnels all 
i?how traces of 
the marks of the 

ancient picks or gails, which were undoubtedly of well-sharpened metal, and although 

no pick-head had aetuaHy Won found, yet when the inine!^ were recently opened up 

Fig. 3.— modern gold workings at (JEafeT. 

• In Bjshari, "the mountain/ 

[ 71 ] 

t "Thf long mountain," 

Nos. 36-37.] MAN. [1908. 

I was told that a small iron scraper, shaped like a hoe, with a wooden handle about 
10 inches long fastened into the socket, had been discovered in one of the workings. 
As an instance of the depth to which the old workings go, one of the old shafts, a 
rectangular cutting, goes down vertically 60 feet, and thence laterally by a gradually 
descending tunnel. There miy be many other old shafts not yet opened up. 

The finds in these mines, besides the iron tool mentioned above, consist of a few 
broken pottery lamps, a piece of basket, and one or two pieces of wood showing 
cutting marks of some sharp instrument. All the archajological evidence goes to show 
that they are not much more than 2,000 years old. 

There were traces of stone-built huts, and in these ruins we found fragments of 
rough, burnt pottery, one crudely ornamented, a small piece of iron, and a bit 
of glass. 

As in many other ancient mines the most noticeable relics of the former workers 
are the stone quartz grinders,* both the upper and the lower mill !=tone, which lie 
scattered over the surface. Each stone was often as much as one man could lift. 
The method (consisted in grinding the quartz in these hand-mills, the upper stone 
revolving in the lower and heavier upon the ore until the whole was crushed, and 
then the refuse quartz was sluiced away, the gold, of course, remaining at the l)Ottom 
by reason of its own weight. 

The local folk-lore is represented by a ghost story. The Ababili natives who 
worked in the mines declared that one day several old men attacked them in the 
workings with stones to drive them away, these presumably being the ghosts of 
the ancient miners. But as long as the Sudani has a chance of seeing a ghost he 
will. One of our Sudani boys was left in charge of the camp by himself for a few 
days near some graves, and he was convinced that during our absence a ghost had 
arisen from one of them by night and wandered over to him. 

By hearsay also I found that the Fuzzy-wuzzy round Arbat still sacrificed to the 
dead ; that is to say, at a burial they slaughtered a kid at the grave. The graves 
are peculiar, as they have an encircling demarcation of stones, laid round them on the 
surface, with two or three flat stones stuck in the earth end-on, as a kind of door. 

The s])ort is not very good, but ibex may be shot in the hills, and gazelles 
frequently in the wadies. The sand-grouse flies about in great flocks in the spring, 
and an ocHuisional brace of partridges may be picked up. What is more, if the 
traveller hunger for fresh meat, doves are plentiful and very good eating when there 
is nothing but tinned meat in camp. R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON. 

America, North- West. Jette. 

On the Language of the Ten'a- II. (Continued from Man, 1907,36.) QT 
Bi/ the Rcr, J, Jctte^ S.J, Communicfttcd by the Stonyhnrst Anthropological Uf 
Bureau through the Secretary. 


Knipha>izers are agglutinant roots, or suffixo?, whicrh are added to words in order 
to make them an object. of special attention. They nuiy really emphasize or strongly 
accentuate the meaning, or merely point to the fact that the word is being used with 
a shade of limitation. Their use is not unlike our practice of italicising some words, 
when we wish to make the reader understand that they are used in some peculiar way. 
As they do not convey a precise and dertnite meaning, the rules for their use are 
necessarily broad, and leave considerable liberty to the speaker. 

There are three emphasizers : — /i, y//, and ;w. 

Si'e Curie. Thf> (iohl MineK of the World. 
[ 72 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 37. 

§ 1. The Emphasizer a. 

The a is not remarkably emphatic, but rather calls the hearer's attention to the 
fact that the word which it affects occurs in the sentence in some peculiar connection. 
It is added to nouns, verbs, and some particles (adverbs and prepositions). When 
agghitinated after a consonant it generally softens its sound from surd to sonant, as 
already described (Max, 1907, 36, p. 53) ; when after a vowel it is assimilated to it, 
presenting the phenomenon of reversed assimilation (ibid). Thus : — 

rolt^ sled - - rotta mido^ canoe - - mido*o 

tank^ shirt - - taaga sasi^ watch, clock - sasii 

dtet^ mountain - dtela tu^ water - - tuu 

The emphasizer a is used after nouns — (1) in the vocative or address form, as : 
sakaiha^ boys, fellows, from sahaih ; itaa^ papa ; inaa^ mamma ; hanaa^ friend (upper 
dialect), from kana ; dzina^ friend (lower dialect), from dzin. Proper names, even of 
foreign origin, receive it as well as others, and the persons called, e.^., Telodzoih, Alexis, 
Mary Jane, will be addressed as : Telodzol/ia, Alexia^ Mary Jane-a. This use of 
emphasizer a with the vocatives is quite general, but is by no means obligatory. It 
can be compared to our use of the interjection for the same purpose. The emphatic 
vocative in a should always be used when necessary to remove doubt or ambiguity ; in 
other cases, at the option of the speaker. (2) To denote possession or dependence. 
In this case the a does not, as the English V, affect the name of the possessor, but that 
t)f the thing possessed ; and, consequently, it occurs even when the possessor's name is 
represented by a pronoun. Thus : Paul rotta, Paul's sled ; se taaga, my shirt ; Kayar 
rodtela, the Kayar mountains ; ne midoo, your canoe ; sa kana ke sasii, my friend's 
watch ; Yukon roke tuu, the water of the Yukon. It can be added to foreign words 
as well, and I have heard : se ke mink-skina, my mink-skin. 

Exceptions to this rule are: (1) Abstract nouns, which never take the a ; Paul 
yar, Paul's house ; sa kayar, my village, my native place ; sa kana taVonkat, my 
friend's fish-trap, &c. (2) Nouns representing parts of the body or persons of kin, 
because they denote a relation much (closer than mere possession, which is always 
implied in their meaning, and consequently no special form is required to mark this 
relation. With these the a is unnecessary, but it is left at the speaker's option to use 
it for the sake of euphony. Thus we say regularly : so-kHn, my husband ; so-^ot, my 
wife ; ne-to, your father ; non, your mother ; me-fte, his head ; mo-kUt, his neck ; &c. 
But we say, indifferently : so-kon or so-kona, my arm ; se-ften or se-ttena, my leg ; 
ne dzay or ne-dzaya, your heart ; nu-iir or nu-ura, your elder brother ; <fec. The 
emphasizer a is much more strictly needed in the case of possessed nouns than with 
mere terms of address ; and its omission with the former would generally render the 
sentence uninfelligible. 

The emphasizer a is used after verbs, in all the negative forms ; and then, in the 
upper dialects, it is pronounced with a slight drawl. As in ke'son, 1 eat ; kelcs'^ona, I 
do not eat ; Icsdo^ I stay ; csdoa^ I do not stay ; nctfan, I see ; netfana, 1 do not see ; 
iaras'^ot, I shall go ; tela roseola, I shall not go ; &c. In current conversation, however, 
when the verb contains other marks of negation, the a may be omitted, as : te yar idoa, 
or te yar ido, he is not at home ; too sudelinia, or too sndelim, you do not believe me, 
&c. A few verbs, generally transformed negatives which have acquired an affirmative 
meaning, present the a even in the affirmative, as : a-so-dega^'ana, I despise, whose 
original meaning was, I do not care about ; with these some speakers use a second a 
in the negative : a-so-.iega^anaa, whilst others make the negative as the affirmative. 

The emphasizer a is used after some adverbs and other particles, when these are 
taken absolutely, without further specification. Thus : yunotstna, yunana, on the other 
aide of the river, of the sea. But if any further specification is made, besides that 
expressed bv the adverb, the a is omitted : yunotstn se yar, mv house across the river ; 

[ 73 ] 

Nob. 37-38.] MAN. [1908. 

yunan na kayar^ jour native place beyrnil the sea. In particles ending with a voweU 
the a is generally replaced by / : yunit^ up the river ; yunl se yar^ my hou!?e up the 
river ; yudot^ down the river ; yudo Kaltag^ down the river at Kaltag. As the particles 
ending in tsen may drop the final w, they are capable of the same modification, and we 
have yiinotset^ on the other side of the river, perfectly equivalent to ytiuotstna ; se 
tootstt or se tootshia^ behin<l me, &c. 

In other cases the use of emphatic a with a particle seems to be almost exclusively 
a matter of euphony. 

In the lower dialect the noun-forming suffix, ^, is often replaced by a ; and there 
exists a special interrogative particle a or 'a. Neither of these should be mistaken for 
the emphasizer a. 

§ 2. The Emphasizer yu. 

The yu is properly emphatic, although, as will soon be explained, it is also used a» 
a pluralizer. When used as emphasizer it implies that much stress is laid on the word 
which it aftects, and about corresponds to expressions like " indeed," '* to be sure,"" 
" undoubtedly," &c. Thus : si-yu^ I indeed ; iiezun-yu^ assuredly it is good ; naratfanyUy 
most certainly I saw it. 

In the negative obligative of verbs, a tense used as prohibitive, the yu occur* 
together with the «, which it follows. The strong accent on the yu then absorbs 
altogether the slight one which accompanies the a, and it requires a practised ear to- 
detect even the presence of the a. Thus : keniiru'ihayu^ ruriitse'tayu^ do not steal, do 
not lie, are commonly heard as : kenuruihyu^ rnrutsetyu. The a is so slight in these 
forms that even the softening of the preceding consonant is omitted, and we say 
rurutsetayu^ where we ought to have : rurutsedayu. The more correct speakers^ 
however, soften the consonant when they pronounce slowly. But if the a which 
precedes the yu has been previously assimilated to a foregoing vowel, it preserves ita 
distinct individual utterance, though very short : yet ne-ruyooyu^ do not go there. 

In the extreme upper dialect the negative of the obligative does not receive the 
emphasizer yu^ but takes instead of it the adverb suu, 

§ 3. The Emphasizer ru. 

The rii is properly a suffix denoting time or place, which accidentally serves the 
purpose of an emphasizer after a verb. When it occurs [)leonastically, not being called 
for by tlie grammatical requirements of the sentence, it serves only to accentuate the 
word to which it is connected, and cannot be analysed but as an emphasis word. E,g.^ in 
constructions like these : Dzanyit rulan ruj it being Sunday, to mean : *' because it i& 
Sunday," or "though it is Sunday"; keintauru^ you having some, i.e., although you 
have some (of the things you refuse to give me), &c. 

In the lower dialect the suffix tsen is often used in the same way. 

The emphasizers, although their vowel is short, are always accented, the accent 
being accompanied by a slight elevation in the voice. The yu is much more strongly 
accented than either of the other two. J. JETTE* 

England : Arolieeology. Bullen. 

Polished Stone Implements from Harlyn Bay. By the Bee, B. QA 

Ashington Bullen, F.L.S. Ull 

On December 17th, 1907, I exhibited at the Institute two specimens about the 
finding of which there can be no mistake. Colonel Bellers bought the site of the 
Prehistoric (late Celtic) burial ground from Mr. Mallett in 1906. Colonel Bellers* 
sister-in-law was searching in the bank at the west side on July 14th, 1906, and 
(though ignorant of the importance of her find) dug out, at a depth of about 15 feet 
from the top of the section, close to the site of the slate-built wall where the flattened 
skeletons (probably a foundation sacrifice) were found in 1900, a polished slate needle 

[ 74 ] 



[No. 38. 



„„ ,- T 1 ' 

Hb,--. 4 . - i_ , % 

/^hCte Xeedle 

^^^^ sSn 


31a,Y 1 yrt T?>A Y 


(Fig. 1), and Ititer a polislied finnilft, jirobuMy cil x'fjWITFIffe, which \^^\vxi^ w rc^em- 
bliuice to the outline^ of u hiitiKui e> e, bovellod on lioth ^iduh roiirHl tJie artllicinl holt* 
(Fig* 2). The slate U of a elo^e aiui even texture, and of a dark colour^ foreign lo 
the Trevcse dii^lriet, so far hs Wfirlvet'>* in Inoul Ivnildin^-- rniitrrinls know. 

The annilet i;* the 
firfit find of the nnt, bnl 
the tilale n^^^edle Is the fiftli 
polis»bed ritone inijdejnenf 
from this di.Ktriet* o(n* 
being in the Mn.Henrn of 
the Vietona University, 
Oweirn College, Manehe.s- 
ter, three in tiie [>0!5:*e8$ion 
of the present writer, and 
one, now fignrei), helnn^r- 
ing to Colonel Bellers at 
Harljn Buy Mnsenni. 

Ad I *it4ited at the 
Hoyal Archaxdogieal In* 
i*tiiiJle in Jtilv 1904, '* no 
*' one wonkl rejoice nmre 
** than I if the wHiole dis- 
** tricl were taken in liand 
**^ ami i*eientitifally explored : ** in a year or two it will Ul* built over and I he elnitjce 
lost* One ihing in i[uite certain, the hnplenients mentioned are of human workman- 
ship ; tliose that know the distriet and the site are convinced of their hnnn fidits^ 
and I will elose this brief notice in tlie w^ord?? of Dr. Haddoii, F,H,S., in a tetter, I 
believe, to tlie Ho if at Corinvnll (iazritc m April 11K)5 : — 

*' The xaoi^i important 
point in eonneetion with 
this site it^ tlie orctu'renee 
of nbjeetii' made of a close- 
grained black Khite. Two 
perforated awl- or bodkin- 
like ubjeet:* Inive been 
fun lid which were brought 
to a fine point ; anotlier 
y a pointed object, whieh 
a]ipear« lo have l>eeii de- 
finitely worked and may 
have i^erved as a ilagger ; 
other pointed objeete have 
been found which could lie 
nf*ed for piercing holes in 
l^'i'i 2 skins, Mr, Mallet t , . 

has l»een wi^e enough to collect both likely and unlikely fornn*, as at pres*ent we att- 
in the stage of ninas^slng evidence ; in a short time It will be poj^!*ihle to 4*ift this 
evidence and to eliminate the ardticial from the natural forms. The*e folate objeeta 
consititnte a problem that archjeologii^ts have not yet ,»Heriouj»ly tackled, When the^o 
finds have been adeijualely studied. Marly n Bay will probably become one of the 
*claftsicar spot^ of British arclia3ology/' * H- ASHINGTON BULLEN. 



r 75 ] 

No. 39.] MAN. [1908. 

Paoiflo. Kramer. 

Hawaii^ Ostmikronesien und Samoa, Meine zweite Siidseereise (1897-99) 4 A 
zum Studium der AtoUe und ihrer Beicohner, Von Professor Dr. Augiistin UU 
Kriimer, Marine-Oborstabsarzt. Mit 20 Tafeln, 86 Abbildingen und 50 Figuren. Stutt- 
gart : Strecker und Schroder, 1906. Pp. xv -f 585. 24 x 17 cm. Price 10 marks. 

Dr. Kramer's first expedition to the South Seas was for the purpose of studying 
coral reefs and plankton, but he was not insensible to the attractions of ethnology : 
in this account of his second expedition ethnology takes a prominent place, and coral 
reefs find themselves relegated to an appendix. 

His two- volume work, Die Samoa-Inseln (1902) gave an account of Samoa, 
where the greater part of his time was spent ; this volume deals mainly with Hawaii, 
the Gilbert, Marshall, and Caroline groups. 

The time devoted to the Marshall Islands was spent chiefly at Jaluit, of which 
a full description is given, together with an account of the geological formation, flora 
and fauna. Another chapter is given to the inhabitants, with notes on their language, 
the native dress (now nearly everywhere superseded by European costumes), ornaments, 
houses and canoes with methods of construction, food, manners, customs, and beliefs. 
An account is given of the seafaring ability of the natives, with examples of their 
charts, and a section is devoted to patterns of mat and tatu designs, with their native 
names and the songs sung during the operation of tatuing. 

The tour through the Gilbert Islands was too brief to permit of intimate acquaint- 
ance with the natives, but it produced some interesting notes on personal appearance, 
admirably supplemented by photographs, on ornaments, industries, etc., and Dr. Kramer 
was successful in obtaining the meanings of some of the designs of the plaitwork mats, 
and photographs of the peculiar cuirasses and shark's tooth weapons, and many 
drawings of tatu patterns. 

An interesting chapter is devoted to Nauru, an island between the Marshalls and 
Santa Cruz, which, on account of the gracious pleasing manners of the inhabitaots, 
won, and still deserves, the name of Pleasant Isle. The island is occupied by twelve 
exogamous groups ; mother-right prevails, the father obtaining no claim to his son 
except through divorce. The son, nevertheless, inherits from his father, the daughter 
from her mother, but if there are no daughters, the mother's goods (ornaments, mats, 
etc.) are destroyed. Often the firstborn inherit from their grandparents, whose own 
children are thereby portionless. A chief is succeeded by his grandson, hence a chiefs 
daughter, who belongs to her mother's group, usually marries into that of her father. 
Both patrilocv and matrilocy are found, and polygyny and polyandry, in both cases the 
former being the more common. Faithfulness in marriage distinguishes the Nauru 
Isluiidors among their South Sea neighbours. Before the birth of a child the father 
wears a special belt, of which an illustration is given, as a token of chastity, and 
refrains from carrying heavy weights, from eating certain food, and from smoking 
.strong tobacco. 

The progress of civilisation is nmrked, as usual, by the vanishing of the picturesque, 
and nothing could illustrate the lamentable fact better than a comparison of the beautiful 
Kalik girl in native dress, who forms the frontispiece, with the group facing page 216, 
showing the chief Letakwa and his wife and daughter in " European costume." We 
feel that the author's comment is justified, ** when I come to the question of women's 
" dress, 1 lose my temper." 

The illustrations have the excellence which indicates that the author is also the 
photographer, only four out of the 106 being by other hands. A. H. Q. 

[ 7n ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 40. 

Paolflo : Llnguistlos. Maodonald. 

The Oceanic Languages: their Grammatical Structure^ Vocabulary/, a?id 111 
Origin, By D. Macdonald, D.D., of the New Hebrides Mission, Member of ^U 
the Society d'Ethnographie, Paris. London : Frowdc, 1907. Pp. xv -f. 352. Two 
maps. 19 X 12 cm. Price \0s. 6d. 

The author of this volume describes the habitat of the Oceanic languages as 
extending from Madagascar across the Indian Ocean to tlie Malay Archipelago, and 
thence through the Pacific to Easter Island. But though the title suggests a treatise 
on the Comparative Grammar and Vocabulary of this most widely spread of all lin- 
guistic families, the work is mainly a Grammar and Dictionary of only one Oceanic 
language — that of Efate in the New Hebrides. The comparative portions refer only 
to a very few other Oceanic languages, and are quoted only to illustrate certain 
features in the grammar of the Efate. Thus Indonesia is represented almost exclu- 
sively by Malagasy and Malay, and the remaining part of the region by a few 
languages of the New Hebrides (occasionally of other parts of Melanesia) and 
Polynesian. In spite, however, of this partial treatment of the languages the main 
purpose of the book is to set forth the proposition that the Oceanic languages are 
Semitic. The author says (p. 94) " that Arabia is the motherland of the primitive 
" Oceanic, as it is of the Ethiopic, Aniharic, and Tigre, and of the Assyrian,^ 

" Phoenician, Hebrew, and Aramaic The primitive Oceanic must be . 

" regarded, not as a descendant of, but as a sister to the Arabic, Himyaritic, 
" Ethiopic, Assyrian, Phoenician, Hebrew, and Aramaic, and the Efate, Samoan^ 
" Malagasy, Malay, etc., as cousins to the Mahri, Amharic, Tigre, Mandaitic, Modern 
" Syriac, and vulgar Arabic dialects." Referring to the speakers of these languages 
he states (p. 3) that *' however the Caucasian, the Negro, or the Mongol physique 
" may be more in evidence in any particular part," they "constitute mentally, 
" socially, and religiously, as well as linguistically, one great though much diversified, 
" race or people, just as the languages, though multitudinously diversified, constitute 
" one great family." From this it may be inferred that he regards the collective 
Indonesian, Polynesian, and Melanesian peoples as a racial unit, a supposition which 
is not supported by reference to the known ethnological data. He further states 
(p. 5) : " What the Phoenicians of Tyre and Sidon were later on in the Mediterranean 
" that their ancestors and cousins were then, and had been in earlier times, in the 
" southern seas of the Island- World. In the Arabian peninsula, running out inta 
*^ those seas and contiguous to Africa, there was, in ancient times, a great com- 
" mercial empire." . ..." If we suppose that the Oceanic race originally, in 
'* ancient times, migrated from that peninsular empire or from among that people^ 
" along the east coast of Africa to Madagascar, and along the south coast of Asia 
" to the Malay Archipelago ; this fully accounts for the negro element of blood in 
** the race as we now find it." 

On the grounds that this negro element is older than the Mongol he rejects the 
Indo-Chinese peninsula as the place of origin. An Indian origin is rejected on the 
grounds that Indian civilisation was imposed on the Oceanic people (mainly in Java) 
in comparatively recent times. 

Dr. Macdonald seeks to establish this theory of origin by a discussion of the 
Phonology, Word-building, Particles, and Pronouns of the Semitic compared with 
Efate and (partially) with other Oceanic languages. 

The chapter on Phonology is not easy to follow. A table is inserted showing 
the transliteration of the Semitic alphabet into Roman characters with numerous 
diacritical marks, in which the number of the letter in the alphabet is given instead 
of the character, but the discussion does not make clear what sounds are represented. 
Thus the sixteenth letter of the Semitic alphabet ( ? y ) is transliterated thus : 

[ 77 ] 

No. 40.] MAN. [1908. 

*" 16. *, related to ' and h." Here ' represents " 1. a soft guttural breathing" (? H ) 
and "8. h, a stronger h (? r ). The reader is left in doubt as to the meanings of 
d, h', t', ", s', t', which have to be sought in an Arabic grammar. Similarly g'(gw), 
k'(kw), h"(hw), k'(kw), are explained only as modified letters from the Ethiopic 
alphabet. The representation of Oceanic sounds is similarly confusing. The letter 
b stands for both b and p, f for f or V, W for u or w. The compound consonant 
(kpw) is written b. The Fiji C = th in " the," and tbe Aneityum d = th in " thin," 
are transcribed by the same character t', wbich is also used for an Arabic (? »), 
modification of 22. (? fl). The Malagasy and New Hebrides tr is represented by t, 
•described in the Semitic alphabet table as "a palatal t." 

This chapter is illustrated by numerous examples of Oceanic words, which are 
said to have undergone various changes similar to the Semitic. 

In tbe Semitic languages most of the roots consist of three consonants, and 
these — with certain definite exceptions — remain unchanged whatever may be the form 
of the word, much of the grammatical work being etfected by inner vowel change and 
transposition of vowels and consonants. In a cbapter on tri-literalism Dr. Macdonald 
attempts to show that this method applies to the Oceanic languages. He gives a 
table of thirty forms of the Arabic model verb fa I (he did), the first six of which, 
he says, are the commonest forms in Oceanic. 

He collects (p. 36) the following examples : — 

Efate : ///V//, to bend round, maliha't, bent, lofa^ a thing bent, lo/a^i), to bend, vialofa^ kalofa^ 
liolofa, bent, Infa, a wrapper round the loins. 

Samoan : laralara. a wrapper round the loins, lofa^ to crouch, lofataina^ to cause to crouch, 
lare^ larelare^ to entangle, lavelarea, to be entangled, lavatd, to coil. 

Fiji : love, lovef\i, to coil, fold, to bend, kalirve, bent, mlore, flexible. 

Malay : lijuit, lampit, lapit, lampix^ Input, a fold, to fold, plait. 

Malagasy : lefi^it, lujifa, folded, bent, plaited. 

Arabic : Uifelafuy to wTap round, etc., laffa, to be involve<i, intertwined, to wrap up, wrap round 
(oneself, as clothing), to fold, laff^ liff, laffat, Hffat, involveil, intertwined, etc., loffa, loffat, coil of 
turban, winding of roa<l. 

The Oceanic forms are said to correspond to the Arabic forms in 1. fal^ 
2. Jil, 3. Jul, 4. falat, 5. Jilat, 6. fulat, thus :— 

1. lure. 3. lora, lore, lufa. 5. lipat. 

2. Ufa. 4. lanipit, lava*i. 0. loreVa. 

The author says '• The inference is irresistible that in the Oceanic primitive or mother tongue 
this word was triliteral, and had the vowel changes peculiar to the Semitic languages most fully 
preserved in the ancient Arabic ; and that as a triliteral word with the middle radical doubletl 
it underwent the usual contractions, set forth in all Semitic grammars, of such words as is plainly 
seen by comparing with the Arabic." 

It will be noted here that the argument is fallacious. To find words with 
similar (not even proved identical) meanings it is necessary to range over the whole 
area of Oceanic speech, and yet these words are supposed to illustrate changes which 
occur in Semitic within the limits of a single language. Moreover, there is nothing 
in the Oceanic words to suggest an origin from three consonants, for the ta and si 
in Sanioan, the t'a in Fiji, / and s in Malay, t in Malagasy, are not parts of the 
root, but are formative particles to be explained by comparison with other Oceanic 

In this chapter the author further discusses how " the ancient triliterals came 
" to be pronounced in the Oceanic dialects as they prevailingly are, as bisyllabic words 
'"' with the accent on the first syllable.'' lie deals with various classes of triliterals, 
and gives examples of Efate words supposed to belong to each, with some Oceanic 
cognates and the Semitic words to which they are said to be related. I give four 
fiamples, taken at random, of these comparisons : — 

1. Second radical double<l. Efate tahv, Arabic dabhu, prohibiting. 

2. Mid<lle radical w or y. Mota. eiu, Polynesian, ora, oltij Malay, wrip, Java, 'Wwy, Efate, mairi^ 

[ 78 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 40. 

Malagasy, relufttt. Efatc, m^uri, moll, Fiji, hula,, Taiiiia, nivri/^ murej), life, to live. Arabic, '«*'//, to 
live, ewV, Miaiit'at, matt'. 

3. With weak or " fleeting " letter n as first radical. Efate, bha or haaa,, to speak, Tapila, bam, 
Fiji, nw/, roMta ka, to speak about, Efate, rixura */, to converse, talk. Arabic, nabaxa and luibam, 
to speak, talk. 

4. Three radicals strong. Efate, samafj samit, avmat, to beat, whip, chasten, hastening, being 
quick, Fiji, Mmufa. to beat, Malay, chamafi, rhamiti, a whip or scourge. Hebrew, s'amaf, ga'maM, 
to smite, thrust, Arabic, mm4i*i, to strike, to thrust, to urge on a beast violently, AitmaM, hastening, 
being quick. 

All the correspondonces here suggested are conjectural, and there is no evidence 
from Oceanic languages to support them. As regards : 1. No Oceanic words indicate 
that the b in fabit was ever doubled ; 2. There is no evidence that esu = ola or 
urip ; fnOy m is a prefix, and there is no evidence from any Oceanic words that w was 
included in the root. 3. Xo forms of this word basa in Oceania give any indication 
of na in the root. In the dictionary t'isura ki is not found, but bisuraki is given as 
*' to speak, lit. to speak for, about." Hence it is equivalent to the Fiji vei-sure^ to ask 
to do, beg help for, and bi is Dr. Macdonald^s " reflective verb performative," equiva- 
lent to the Fiji reciprocal prefix vei. Hence bisuraki has nothing to do with basa, 

4. The root smt is conjectural only : for /«, t does not belong to the Oceanic 
root, and chamati is a Tamil word borrowed in Malay. 

In the next chapter Dr. Macdonald discusses the inflexional or word-forming 
additions, prefixes, infixes, and suffixes. The Oceanic forms are compared with 
Semitic, with considerable variation as to form and meaning. The author observes 
(p. 55) " that formative particles etymologically identical are not necessarily wholly 
** identical in use either in the Semitic or Oceanic dialects." This observation allows 
him to assert that the Malay (conditional) prefix bar is the same etymologically as 
Efate baka, which is the Fiji (causative) vaka^ used in the sense of '* having," and 
that the Malay barumah is thus equivalent to the Fiji vakavale. 

The chapter on Pronouns and Particles is noteworthy for the unsupported 
statements made as to their origin in the Oceanic languages, as e,g, : — 

1. The personal article i : Melancsian (not in Efate) m, /, Malagasy ?, is connected with the 
third personal pronoun (p. 75). 

2. The loss in the Oceanic dialects of the distinction of gender in the second and third 
persons (p. 75). 

8. The third personal pronoun, the ancient plural of which is now used in the Oceanic dialects, 
also for the singular (p. 75). 

4. The Oceanic mother-tongue formed the plurals of the second and third personal pronouns 
by the ending -///, and the dual by the ending -a (p. 76). 

5. Traces of the ancient feminine ending -t arc still retained in the wonl for "female," also 
in gikai^ " one " and /<//', '* woman "... this ending -/ forming abstract nouns throughout the 
Oceanic (p. 91). 

6. The ancient terminations in Arabic, -«, -a, -/, nominative, accusative, genitive, are now used 
in Efate, as in Hebrew, etc., without case signification (p. 91). 

7. Nunation is fre^iuent in Malay and Malagasy (p. 92). 

The second and larger part of the volume is " a complete dictionary comparative, 
** and etymological " of the language of Efate. In this the words are compared 
with a few Oceanic, but more extensively with Semitic. The following two extracts 
will show the author's method : — 

Banako^ v. t., dd. blnako, hvnak, to steal, hanako xa, and banak ia^ d. hunako n\ steal it. 
[Maori, whanako, whenaho^ Fiji, hutahn, Kromangan, pruk^ Malekula, fenake, Malay, choloy, Java, 
fkolog^ Malagasy, halafa^ c. pref. mayalafa, id.] Arabic xaraka^ n.a. sark\ Mahri, heriq, heliq, and 
deMoq^ to steal. 

^V*i£, s.. c. art. nanlu, the cocoanut palm. [Fiji, «/tf, Eromangan, noki, Aneityum, fieaif), Malay, 
niar, Ceram, niula. Malekula, kula, Malagasy, nihu, Samoan, «///, i<l. ; niii jtiit^ fan palm (therefore 
niu is a general name for a palm) ; niui^ to sprinkle with the juice of the cocoanut, Hawaiian «///, 
to whirl about] Arabic, nab'lu. palm (g-jn. name), nah'Vu (coll. name), nah'ala^ to sift, to jMiur out 
or sprinkle (snow, as the clouds), Newman's Dirt, of Modern Arabic^ 7. to drizzle. 

[ 79 ] 

Nos. 40-42.] MAN. [1908. 

The work is conchuled by an index of Semitic word« in their native character, 
Hebrew, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Syriac, It is well and clearly j)rinted at the expense 
of the Government of the Common weak h of Anstralia. 

One cannot help admiring the enormous trouble and research which the author 
has expended in working out the comparisons made in his book, but it is very doubtful 
whether his conclusions will be regardetl as satisfa(;tory by either Oceanic or Semitic 
students. The demonstration of shnilaritics between Efate, one member of the Oceanic 
language family, and the Semitic languages taken collectively, will not be accepted 
as evidence that the whole body of Oceanic tongues are Semitic. The comparative 
grammar of the Oceanic languages, so far as it has been worked out, shows no 
evidence of word formation from triliteral consonantal roots, even in the languages 
whi(^h are nearest geographically to the Semitic region. Anthropologists will ])robably 
find the summary of Efate Sociologv (in the introduction) the most useful ]»art of the 
volume. ' SIDNEY II. RAY. 

Melanesia. Hardy : Elkington. 

y/fc Sarage South Seas, Painte<i by Nonnan II. Hardy, describe<l by J 4 
E. Way Elkington. London: A. and *C. Black, 1907. Pp. xii + 211 •, Tl 
23 X 17 cm. Price 20s. 

The first coloured illustrations of the South Sea Islands make one long for more. 
Mr. Norman Hardy is one of those who is content to draw things as he finds them 
and not to startle his readers by presenting a collection of the monstrous and the 
grotesque as types of the races among whom he travelled, and as the scenery and 
the people of the South Seas are rich in beauty and colour he has lost nothing by 
being faithful to Nature. His sketches cover the Motu tribes of Now Guinea, the 
Solomons, and the New Hebrides, and whether it is the landscape, or the sea, or 
crowded groups of figures, his brush and his eye for composition are almost faultless. 
If his sketches have lost anything in the process of rej)roduction it cannot be discerned 
even by one who has covered much of the same ground. He has even succeeded iu 
investing the trader's life with pictures(|ue colour without concealing its squalor. 

Where all are so good and so delicately handled — which means much to those 
who know the difficulty of painting a tropical atmosphere without harshness — it is 
difficult to single any out for special j)raise, but for beauty of composition the pictures 
of fish-spearing and of the forest at Sinilx), and for anthropological interest those of 
a Kaivakuku in New Guinea and of the drum grove in the New Hebrides deserve 
special mention. 

In such a lx)ok, where it is intended that the letterpress should be subordinate 
to the pictures, it would not be fair to be hypercritical. Mr. Elkington did not aim 
at more than writing a colloquial commentary on the pictures, and as he has no 
ethnologi(*al tastes and little historical knowledge of his subject the result is rather 
disappointing. His spelling of the native names — such as Tupusuli for Tupuselei, and 
Samari for Samarai, Guadalcana for Guadalcanar — should have been revised by some 
one better acquainted with the country. B. T. 


Mr. J. V. JniiNsoN, A.I.M.M., of Johannesburg, has been commissioned by lA 
the Government of Orange Kiver Colony to investigate and report on the ^fc 
Bushmen sculjitures and j)aintings in that territory. Mr. Johnson is a member of 
the commission appointed by the Transvaal Government last year to make a similar 
re}>ort on the etchings and ]miiitings which exist in that colony. 

Printed by Eyre and Spottiswoodk, Ltd.. His Majesty's Printers, East Hanling Street, K.C. 

Plate F 

Kas, 1908. 







1908.] MAN. [No. 43. 

Solomon Islands. Witli Plate F. Woodford, 

Notes on the Manufacture of the Malalta Shell Bead Money lA 
of the Solomon Qroup. % C M. Woodford. lu 

At various places off tho coast of Malaita a series of small inhabited islets have 
been built up upon the fringinj^ reef. These sinjrular reef-islet villages occur at 
Alite, Langalanga, and Auki, on the west coast ; at Sio IIar1)our, at the extreme 
north-western end of the island : an<l at Funafou, IJrassi, Sulafou, Atta, Beresombua, 
Kwai, Nongasila, and Urn, on the east coast. 

The islets appear to have had their ori^^iu in raised patches of coral upon the 
reef flats, which have been lal>oriously added to and gradually built up by their inha- 
bitants until a solid foundation, well raised above the water, was proiiuced. They are 
undoubtedly of very ancient origin. The islets are faced with a wall of coral stones 
about six to eight feet high, with here and there an opening like an embrasure with 
a sloping beach for the admission of the canoes. 

They vary from as little as under a quarter of an acre to two or three acres 
in extent, and are densely peopled by a seafaring population, who speak a different 
dialect from the bush natives of the mainland. 

The inhabitants of these islets get their living by fishing. The fish they sell 
to the natives of the mainland, in exchange for vegetables, pigs, and articles of native 
Tnanufacture, at <:ertain recognised market-places on the beach, to which they resort 
In their canoes almost every day at times arranged beforehand with the natives of 
x\\Q bush. 

The actual bartering is done by the women, who advance one towards another, 
the island woman with a fish, and the bush woman with yams or taro, while tho 
men stand on guard on either side with spears or rifles. 

Sometimes it is not even &afe for the two parties to approach one another, and 
in that case a small canoe is veered ashore with a line, the articles for exchange 
being placed in it. 

I am informed that disputes at these markets are rare, but at other times the 
island natives cannot venture ashore upon the mainland without risk. 

Having no canoes, the bush natives cannot visit the reef islets, and the islanders 
probably tiike g(K>d care that they shall keep none. 

The reef islanders, on the other hand, are accustomed from their earliest years 
to be constantly afloat, and become expert in the management of the merest shell 
•of wood. I remember, during my first visit to Auki in 1886, counting no less than 
ininety-five canoes round the ship at one time, from the crazy thing hardly larger than a 
'butcber^s tray, skilfully managed by a child of six, to the more perfect article large 
•enough to carry three or four men. They have, of course, larger canoes capable of 
carrying twenty or thirty men, but these are only used for long voyages. 

Even upon such a small island as Auki two factions exist. The island, which 
anay be perhaps two acres in extent, is of reniform shape, antl, probably, was originally 
■two islets. The western part of it is known as Auki, and the eastern part as Lisiala. 
There is a strip of neutral ground in the centre separating the two settlements, divided 
on either side by walls of coral stone six feet in height. The population of this 
islet, I was tohl, and I can well believe it, amounted in 1H96 to 500. 

The houses, or rather hovels, for they are nothing else, are crowded so closely 
together that tluTe is hardly room to pass l>etween tb(Mn, and the ground set apart 
for the burial of the dead -still further curtails the space available for habitation. 

It is at Auki, Langalaiiga and Alite that the manufacture of shell money is 
carried on, ami the cpiantity prniluced during a year nnist amount to many hundreds 
of fathom^. 

[ 81 ] 

No. 43.] 



I have els^ewbere spoken of the stnte of existeiiee upon these Bmall reef islelsi us 
probably pretientin^ some resemblance to the eoudition of the ancient hike-dweUers 
of Europe, but perhapd a comparison with the first beginnings of Venice would he 
jiister, and it is a cnnoiis and posfiibly significant fact that Venice is to this day 
celebrated for its manufacture of glass and coral beads, doubtless the survival of a 
primitive industry, the finisbed result of which, probably, somewhat resembled the 
shell bead money of the Solomons, 

The shell bead money of Malaita is of three colours — white, red, and black. It 
is generally knowu as Rongo, The white money is called Bongo pura and the red 
money Rongo ttisi, Tlie blaek is not made np in strings by itself, but a few beads 
of it are introdneed bere and there in the red and white money, either for contrast 
or to mark the length. 

The shell from which the white money is mmle is the Area granasa (PI, F, 4),. 
native name on Malaita, Ktikandu ; the red is nmde from the shell Chama paeifira^ 
native name Romu (PL F, 5) ; the black is made from the shell of the large blur-k 
mussel or pinna, native name Kuriia, 

These shells, especially the red ones, are articles of tratie among the natives ot 
Malaita and arc bought by the basketful by the moncy*makers from distant parts of 

Malaita, and even from other islands. 

The shells are first broken inta 
irregular fi'agments rather sumller than 
a threepenny piece. In this eondition 
they arc called fulo-mbtttif (Pb F, 7). 
For breaking the shells a stone hammer- 
head without a Imndle is used called 
faU'Ui (PL F, 9). The stone anvil 
upon wbit-h the shells are broken is also 
called fatt-ui, or fauli-uL 

The broken pieces are ilieu chipped 
into the form of a ronghly circular disc, 
in diameter ulM>nt as large as a pea. 
They are then placed upon the Hat 
surface of a piece of soft wooti of 
semi-circular section (PL F, 11). This 
mstrumcut is called ma-ai^ UjK»n its flat 
surface are a number of shallow counter- 
sunk holes in which the fragments of 
shell are |»Iaced, These are ground flat 
and sujooth, first on one side and then 
on (he other, ujw:ui a fiat reetaugular stone 
called fou-sava* This grinding stoue is of a particular kind, a«d the Auki |>eople 
purchase it from the bush natives at the nuirket place at Fin, near Auki. It 
appears to be highly valued, as I was unahlc to obtain a specimen, but I have sinco 
obtained fragments. 

The broken pieces of shell, now ground Hat on each side and reduced to the 
requisite thicktiess, are placed one at a time into the half of a coco-nut shell, called 
(eO'le'futa (PL F, 10), and a hole is drilletl through I he centre by means of a pump 
<lrill, Jutft, This drill is tipped with a piece of flint or clialcedony, called iandi 
(PL F, 1). The stono of which these drills are made is also purchased from the 
Mnhiitti liushmen. 

The fly-wheel of the drill is a disc of tm^tlc Ijone and is called tahr, T\m 
pump handle is called rnndi aird the spindle Juta* 

[ «2 ] 


1908.] MAN. [No. 48. 

The flint points are sharpened by means of the large freshwater mussel or cockle 
shell, native name hie (PI. F, 6). The flint is held down upon a piece of wood with 
the left hand and small flakes are pressed off it by the edge of the shell, held in the 
right hand, until the requisite degree of pointedness has been attained (Fig. 1, text). 

After boring, the pieces of shell (PI. F, 8) are threaded on a string, made of a 
strong bush fibre called /tVi, in lengths of about four or five feet. From their previous 
grinding on both sides, the shells, or as they may now be termed, beads, lie closely 
together along the string, but their edges are still irregular. 

The next process is to remove the rough edges and to reduce the beads to the 
proper size. To effect this the strings of rough beads are fastened upon a flat 
piece of board called mbambaliara, and rubbed lengthwise with a grooved stone 
(fouliara, PI. F, 12) and sand (o/e) and water until the requisite size and smoothness 
have been attained. 

The beads are now finished and ready for the final stringing. The finished beads 
are called bala. 

A fathom of white money is called forososo^ in the language of Malaita, where 
it is made ; in the language of Gela and Guadalcanar, where much of it is taken 
for sale, iurumbuio. 

The red money is put up in two ways : first in strings of about five feet or a 
fathom long. Ten such strings are called in the language of Malaita tavuli-ei or 
apuala avu^ and in the language of Gela, haru. The other way of stringing is in 
lengths of about ten feet or two fathoms with a patch of black or white money in. 
the centre. One such string is called vinda. Two strings joined at each end and 
in the centre are called kongana ; three strings, sautolu ; four strings, tnatambaia or 
sauvati; five strings, rapakava ; six strings, talina. A proper talina consists of six 
strings, although sometimes five strings only are called by this name. An isa is ten 
strings of red money. 

One talina^ one hundred randi (porpoise teeth), and four turumbuto are also 
equivalent to an isa. 

There is yet another kind of red money, more precious than the ordinary red, 
on account of its intense colour. It is made from fragments selected from the most 
highly coloured part of the romu shell, and from selected shells only. A single shell 
may perhaps supply one bead of the requisite colour. 

It is said that two years are required to make a piece of this very red mouey 
measuring in length from the hollow of the elbow joint to the end of the middle 
finger. It is known in the language of Malaita as ferai^ and in the language of 
Gela as baru nekasa. 

Another kind of black money, other than the kurila, above referred to, is made 
from a vegetable seed called fuiu. The tree upon which it grows is called sisis. 

I have obtained a small sample of another kind of shell money from Malaita 
(PI. F, 2), which differs considerably from the shell money made on the islands described 
above. It is made in small quantities by the bush natives living inland from Kwa, 
between Onepusu and Bina. I am informed that only one quality is made. The 
colour is pinkish- white, and the beads are much smaller than those of the ordinary 
Malaita money. It is called mamalakwai, A small piece, measured from the hollow 
of the elbow to the end of the middle finger, is called lo-suu. 

One fathom is called ba?iiou ; two fathoms are called rua mamalakwai. 

Bead Money from Guadalcanar. — There is a very scarce kind of bead-money 
from Guadalcanar (PL F, 3), which used to be made by the bush natives inhabiting 
the centre of the island in the neighbourhood of Tatuve. 

It is not now made, and the old bush chief, Sulakava, from whom I obtained 
my specimens, could not tell me what the material was. It consists of coarse, black, 

[ 83 1 

Nos. 43-44.] 



irreguliirly siy.eil disc5, bivt whftlier it i> iriiule of jsliell, m- llie AwW of a init, or of 
some kiiul of miiieml, my iiiformiint wn.-^ nmiMu lo ^n>% itiid jiflLM' exHuiiniUuni I am 
eqimlly iit a loss to determiue, Ihilf h rnrlH^in of it is titiWed Kurinn ; oiio f»\thoni 
U culioa Pnhu, C, M. \V()1H>F()IU). 

AfWca, West. Punch. 

Further Note on the Relation of the Bronze Heads to the j|j| 
Carved Tusks, Benin City. Bt/ C. PHuch. TT 

In ^Ia\, lyOS, 2, appeareil an article on the relation of the bronxe hea<U of 
Benin to tlio carved tur^kn from tfuvt city, together witli a phofoirrftph of two of the 
Leads, There is also » referi.niue to a photograph taken liy niVT^elf which appeared 
in Ling Roth's book, Great Bvrnn, As there appears to he a doubt in some mind* 
m to whether tbo heiids, such as illtistrated in Man, UK)8, 2, formed the support for 
carved tnsks, perliapj* the fet^timony of an eye-witness may he worthy of rerord. 

I myself took the photograph lierewith reproduced, and the tn.skti were at rhut time 
standing on top of the heudt^, und not, as has been suggeftted, behind them. I ean 
guarantee that the altar was exactly as it appears and that the negative has 
undergone no retouching. I cannot remember whether lliere were any w^ioden spike^^ 
fixed in the holes in tl»e crowns of the lieiid> which tinpported the tiKski*, but if there 
were the white antt* would soon have made .short work of them. The carved tuskm 
were of all sizes^ from ** 8crivelloe» " of 4 or 5 lbs. to large ones of 60 to 70 lbs. Of 
conr^e all tuj^ka were not necessarily Hiippnrted on lieadn, nor, at the time of my vii*it, 
did all ht'a<la support tuaks. I believe tl»at origiuiilly all the heads were intended 
for this ptirpose, but that the state and eeremotiy which must have prevailed in Benin 
in early times had sadly declined. The compounds in whteh stood the juju altars 
were neglected, cattle wandered about and displaced the objeeti> on I hem. New altars 
were made as each king died, and the older ones fell into decay. CYKIL PUNCH, 

[ 84 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 4& 

Obituary: Howitt. Langr. 

Alfh^d William Howitt, aiM.a, 8c.D. ; born 1830, died March 7th, IF 

1008. By A. Lang. TU 

.Though Dr. Ilowitt had done a long life's work in the cause of the knowledge 
of human nature, the news of his death brings deep personal regret to all who were 
acquainted with the results of his labours, animated by that liking for the tribesmen of 
Australia which personal knowledge of them always awakens in liberal and gentle 
minds. He knew them intimately, and studieil them closely, for more than thirty years. 
As the tribes with whom he had been familiar died out beneath the kindness no less 
than the cnielty of the whites — died of European clothing, of whisky, of opium, and 
beneath the rifle. Dr. Howitt sought information from scores of correspondents, 
dwelling in regions where the blacks had not yet been extirpated. Much patience, 
much sagacity, were demanded in the task of collecting and sifting the notes received 
from correspondents, who were all obliging and anxious to be accurate, but who were 
not all acquainted with the languages of the tribes, were not all trained to scientific 
observation. It could not be but that, in describing the highly complex rules which 
govern native marriages, mistakes must occur, be discovered, and cause a repetition of 
the processes of inquiry. Dr. Howitt's patience, his eagerness to verify his facts, 
and to withdraw whatever he had reason to suspect as incorrect statements, are 
universally and gratefully recognised. 

After making an expedition into Central Australia fifty years ago, Dr. Howitt, 
in 1860, prospected in Ciipp's land. In 1864 he was prominent in the search for 
Burke and Wills. It was apparently about 1873 that he became the ally and friend 
of the Rev. Lorimer Fison, who was examining savage systems of relationship in 
the light of the ideas of Mr. Lewis Morgan. That student was rather actively 
industrious than conspicuously logical." lie was, however, with J. F. McLennan, a 
pioneer into the darkling region of early social life. Unhappily, the pioneers fell out 
by the way. Mr. McLennan was a man of the keenest wit : but his health was 
inadequate to his energy. The sword wore out the sheath. He could never see in 
savage terms for human relationships more than a system of addresses, and the 
researches of Dr. Howitt and of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen prove to demonstration 
that he was wrong. I cannot say that Morgan's belief in an effort towards moral 
reform as the first source of the earliest marriage rule (if the earliest it be) — the 
division of the tribe into a pair of exogamous intermarrying phratries — seems better 
inspired than McLennan's explanation of terms of relationship. Both men were 
pioneers, and the wonder is that they both did so much towards clearing and occupying 
new ground. 

Dr. Howitt was among the contributors to a book of varying values, Mr. Brough 
Smyth's collection of reports on the aboriginals of Victoria. 

In 1880 he and Mr. Fison collaborated in the well-known book, Kamllaroi and 
Kurnaij which marks a great advance in our knowledge of Australian society. I have 
had the curiosity to look back on my own review of it in the Saturday Review, 1881. 
I found myself " unable to agree with Mr. Fison on many points, but obliged to 
" thank him for a spirited, if unsuccessful, attempt to elucidate the marriage customs 
" of the Australian black fellows." Then I tackled Morgan, charging heavily against 
his logic : I traced the varying results of the Rev. Mr. Ridley — the early information 
about *' classes " was mixed and imperfect — and I insisted on knowing what totems 
had to do with exogamy. We still want to know I *' How is the origin of totemism 
" to be explained ? " I asked, and especially asked, if the phratries be the result of a 
law of moral reform, why were they, as Mr. Fison seemed to suppose, totemistic ; or 
rather, distinguished by totems ? 

[ 85 ] 

No. 45.] MAN. [1908. 

In the whole review, space being limited, nothing was said of Mr. Howitt's 
information about the Kurnai. By the natives of that tribe he was later accepted as 
an initiate, studied their initiatory ceremonies, and discovered the belief in the ^ All- 
Father." The belief was no novelty to science. Waitz, fifty years ago, accepted it 
as genuine, and as original, not due to Christian influences. Nevertheless, a recent 
French reviewer of Mr. Howitt's Native Tribes of South-East Australia insisted 
that the more interesting parts of the faith are European contaminations, without 
referring to Mr. Howitt's proofs that this could not be the case. In Kamilaroi and 
Kurnai^ Mr. Howitt, not yet initiated, knew only of Brewin, a being who is not on 
a level with the Kurnai All-Father. 

The Kurnai rites, the Jeraeil, were described by Dr. Howitt in Journ. Anthr. 
Inst., 1885, and, with Mr. Fison, he contributed an interesting paper on the Attic 
Deme and the " Horde." Here the authors said that class names (by which they 
probably meant phratry names) " probably all are totems " — that is, probably 
phratries (or matrimonial classes ?), are named after animals, plants, and other objects 
in nature. Certainly there are several such cases, but the prevalent ignorance of the 
tribal languages prevents us from attaining any general conclusion. As to Attica, 
the authors concluded that '' there seems to be no doubt whatever that the totem did 
*' exist there." This is scarcely demonstrated. 

In 1881, the article (Journ. Anthr. Inst.) on the change from descent in the 
female to descent in the male line did not greatly advance our knowledge of the causes 
of the change. Later, Dr. Howitt found that among the Dieri, one of the most 
primitive of tribes in his opinion, fathers have a way of presenting, as it were, their 
own totems (in addition to the inherited mother's totem) to their children. By this 
method the change to " father right " might be evolved. As each Dieri father's wife 
has several pirrauru who need not be of the father's totem, and who may be the 
fathers of the " father's " children, the confidence of the father is rather singular ! 
It shows a good heart. 

There are other papers, with one on Australian beliefs, in Journ. Anthr. Inst. 
(1884), all of which Dr. Howitt regarded as superseded by his great work of 1904, 
Native Tribes of South- East Australia. As literature, some of the earlier papers, 
particularly that on the discreditably neglected theme of native poetry, were, to my 
taste, more interesting. 

Of the Native Tribes it is superfiuous to speak. It is one of the classics of 
Anthropology. Many points of controversy remain undecided ; perhaps they never 
will be decided. Some people will believe that a reformatory movement caused a 
bisection of each tribe into two exogamous intermarrying phratries. Others will ask, 
*' What was there to reform ; or how could the tribe see that there was anything to 
*' reform ? Why were totem names given to the phratries, and what is the origin 
*' of totemism ? " Dr. Howitt advanced no theory. He touched but slightly on the 
problem of one totem to one totem marriage, a problem obviously crucial, and he did 
not apparently understand, in the field of religion and magic, the importance of what 
he tells us about Kutchi among the Dieri. 

His book is so rich in facts that we have not yet even detected all the problems 
which it presents. But for him, the nature of life in the dying south-east tribes 
would have been as obscure as that of the extinct Tasmauians. He has had worthy 
followers, but no man so long and so strenuously, with so much caution and so 
sagaciously, has studied a savage people. Respect for his work and his memory 
lU'ges research, if there yet be time, among the little-known tribes between the Dieri 
And the Barkinji as well as among the Western Australian peoples. A. LANG. 

[ 86 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 46. 

Pli3rsloal Antliropologry : Pigmentation. Dubois. 

On the Correlation of the Black and the Orani^e-Ooioured lA 
PliTmente, and Its Bearing upon the interpretation of Red- ^Q 
balredneee. J5y Professor Dr. Eug. Dubois. 

The important results concerning the colour of the hair, obtained bj Mr. J. 
Gray by means of his new form of Lovibond's tintometer, and communicated at the 
meeting of the Royal Anthropological Institute of February 11th, 1908, give me 
occasion to present the following remarks on the same subject, one to which con- 
siderable attention is just now being given everywhere. 

As I take it, from the report in Nature of February 27th, Mr. Gray proved that 
the hair contained two coloured pigments, an orange and a black pigment, the black 
pigment increasing uniformly in amount from blonde to black, the orange pigment 
remaining practically constant in that series of hair. In the series of red hair, on 
the contrary, the orange pigment is predominant, its increasing amount causing the 
colouration from light to dark red. Finally, the conclusion was formulated that red 
hair was derived from dark hair by the conversion of more or less of the black pig- 
ment into an equal amount of orange pigment. 

I arrived at a quite similar conclusion in a small paper published in the Neder- 
iandsch Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde of February 8th, 1908 (pp. 463-466), taking 
chiefly into consideration certain facts of the hair colours in mammals. These facts, 
indeed, seem to me to be decisive as to the interpretation of the pyrrhotism.* Some 
of them may be mentioned here. 

Mammals in the state of domestication, such as cows, horses, dogs, exhibit grosso 
modo all kinds of hair colours, in the gradual transitions which we meet in man. 
A melanochrome and a pyrrhochrome pigment, more or less mixed with one another 
or more or less pure and in different degrees of concentration or saturation, suffice 
to explain them all. 

The colours of mammals in the wild state are generally, in every species, in a 
more constant condition of mixture and saturation. Thus many species are jet black, 
others are fiery rerl. Evidently black and red (properly orange) are the fundamental 
colours of the hair. 

But very strikingly, too, there comes to light the intimate relation between the 
pyrrhochrome and the melanochrome pigment. The facts, indeed, force upon us the 
idea that the orange is an easily produced (chemical) modification of the black pig- 
ment. A few of these facts may be mentioned here in proof of it. 

Of the wild Javanese cow, the banteng {Bibos sondaicus), the young bulls, which 
are brownish-red over the largest part of the body (as the females are for their entire 
life), become jet black in the adult state. As mentioned by Darwin (Descent of Man^ 
Vol. II., p. 289), the emasculated bull reverts to the colour of the females. 

Likewise the young of both sexes and the adult females of Pithecia leucocephala 
are brownish-black above and red on the belly. The adult male is black above 
and beneath. 

Again, in Mycctes caraya^ the hair of the adult male is entirely of a deep black ; 
the adult female and the young of both sexes are greyish-yellow. 

In Lemur macaco, too, the male is black, the female red. 

The colour of the hair may, further, vary extensively in one and the same species. 
Thus different individuals of the common European squirrel, of the same region, present 
all gradations from orange to the darkest brown, and finally black. In the Netherlands I 
obtained only partially black specimens, but entirely black ones have frequently been met 
in Germany, and, in one and the same litter, black young side by side with re<l young. 

* From pyrrkos =: foxy-red, fiery-red, orange, a more adequate term for the colour in question 
than erythros or rutilus. 

[ 87 ] 

No. 46.] MAN. [1908. 

In the duues of Holland I frequently met entirely black wild rabbits, but on two 
occasions, and in quite different places, I observed a foxy-red individual. 

It is well known that the hair of the orang-utan may be of a lighter or darker 
brownish-red, and in some cases nearly black. The chimpanzee, commonly jet blacky 
may become ruddy-brown in some individuals. In Lemur varius we meet with red 
and black chequered individuals. 

Of Hylohates lar and //. agilis some individuals may be rusty brown and even 
light yellowish (especially females), while others are jet black. In the last case the 
young are often dark brown. 

In the middle and west part of Java, I observed, in some very rare cases,, 
amongst one of the very frequent troops of entirely black budeng (^Sem7iopithecus 
maurus) a single red (orange) individual. In early life all the young are light red^ 
In the eastern part of the island some of these red monkeys, as described by 
Dr. Kohlbrugge, are nearly constantly mixed in the troops of the black species. 
Though formerly described as a different species, Semnopithecus pyrrhus^ in the 
opinion of Schlegel and Kohlbrugge, it should be regarded only as a kind of albino 
of the black species. I am inclined to consider the former to be a new form, by 

On the contrary, in some individuals of the leopard in Java and India, the yellow 
and red hair of the skin varies into black. Yellow and black cubs belong to one and 
the same litter. 

The black fox is of the same species with the common red fox. 

The hamster ( Cricetus frujnentarius)^ commonly rusty coloured above and black 
on the belly, in some parts of Germany exhibits a black back. 

Finally, it is well known that of nearly-related species often one has black, the 
other red hair. Thus, for instance, the black Semnopiiheciis maurus of Java and the 
orange Semnopithecus ferrugineus of Sumatra, the jet black Hylohates syndactylus 
and the reddish or yellowish individuals of the other Sumatran gibbons, the black 
chimpanzee and the red orang-utan. 

The black fox, the l)lack leopard, the black rabbit, the black hamster, and the 
black squirrel arc cases of melanism. But the red rabbit, the red budeng, and the red 
chimpanzee may be termed cases of pyrrhotism. 

We may consider the last-named phenomenon as depending upon a modification of 
the melanochrome pigment into pyrrhochrome pigment. In a similar way we consider 
albinism to depend upon the reduction to a minimum of the black and the orange 
colour, the corresponding pigments probably undergoing a modification into a white 
substance, and we consider melanism to depend upon an increase of melanochrome 
pigment (in many cases originating from modification of the pyrrhochrome pigment). 

Just as in mammals in the state of domestication, in man pyrrhotism is a very 
common phenomenon. Here also we have to put it in the same rank with the 
phenomena of melanism and albinism. 

Indeed, pyrrhotism occurs frequently in all races, not less so than albinism.. 
Pyrrhotism, too, is not limited to the hair, for in red-haired individuals the skin 
commonly is of a very pecuHar, delicate complexion and abundantly freckled, the freckles 
characteristically called taches de rousseur by the French. This peculiar condition of 
the skin, evidently depending upon deviating trophical processes of the integument^ 
may be present in brothers and sisters or children of red-haired individuals, but not 
be accompanied by red hair. 

Also the experiments of Tornier,* showing that full-grown Pelobates fuscus could 
be obtained differently coloured, melanotic, pyrrhotic, or albinotic, by supplying 

* Zvologitcher Anzeiger, Jn4evaien Beilage, October 29, 1907. Vol. 32, No. 9--10, pp. 248-288. 

[ 8« ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nob. 46-47. 

different amounts of food to those frogs in the larval state, tend to prove the intimate 
connection of modification of the integumental pigments with trophical processes. 

To summarise : all these facts and many others force upon us the opinion that we 
must consider p}Trhotism as depending upon an easily occurring (chemical) modification 
of the melanochrome into pyrrhochrome pigment, while on the contrary they are 
incompatible with the view of Topinard and others, that red-hairedness may be regarded 
as having the character of a variety of atavistic origin. EUG. DUBOIS. 

Africa, West, Dennett. 

At the Back of the Black Man's Mind. A Reply to E. T. (Max, Mf 

1907, 93). Bi/ R, E. Dennett. Tf 

In Man, 1907, 93, E. T. was good enough to commence his review of my book 
with a very complimentary remark about my knowledge of the West African Negro's 
secret thought, which I would much rather he had not made. I must, at any rate, thank 
him for it. I may say at once that the aim of my book was neither to prove that I 
had this knowledge nor how I obtained it, but simply to give the information I had 
gathered to the public for what it was worth, in the hope that it might induce people 
at home to take an interest in the religion of the African which I endeavoured to 
describe. There are parts of Africa where the native is not granted the status of a 
human being. If I have been fortunate enough to show that he is after all a 
religious being surely this should cease ? 

My reviewer says that I have such a thorough knowledge of the native mind 
and of his manner of working that I suppose my readers to understand things which 
are absolutely clear to me, but which are to anyone else wrapped in obscurity. There 
may be some truth in this, as it must be remembered that out of the last twenty- 
eight years of my life only twenty-two months have been spent out of Africa ; and 
one of my absences was of seventeen years' duration. But if my reviewer thinks that 
the meaning of everything that I have written is clear to me he is much mistaken. 
Where possible I have obtained the meaning of obscure passages from some intelligent 
non-Christian native. Take, for example, the instance pointed out by my reviewer 
where he says, " Wherever Mr. Dennett uses linguistic proof he takes such liberties 
^^ that it is almost unpossible to find out the slightest basis for them ; he says on 
*' page 26 that : 

" Kanga lumbi ; hanga meta 
" Malamha maiambaka?ia^ xivili 

" means, * Just as the sun rises and sets, so it is Mamboma's business to look after 
" * the crowning and burial of Maloango ; and just as a woman cooks and intends to 
" ' go on cooking (and watching her pots), so Mamboma watches over the Bavili.' " 
My reviewer continues, " The first line obviously expresses the idea of the rising and 
" setting sun, and there can be no doubt about the meaning of the last word of the 
" second line." 

Now I venture to state that no foreigner could obviously understand that the 
first line refers to the rising and setting sun, and the last word of the second line 
should refer to the Loango language. I say of this passage on page 26, " I do not 
" think anyone to-day can translate this exactly," but it carries the following meaning 
with it {see above). I include myself as being of to-day (though a bit behind the 
times in European ways, perhaps), and admit that I could make nothing of it. It was 
paraphrased to me by a man called " Tate," an old native who took a kindly interest 
in my work. I am sorry that thirty-five words were necessary to explain the meaning 
of two. Is there anything remarkable to the European mind about this ? 

After discussing the xina (page b\) ku sala fumu^ E. T. adds, "we may guess 

[ 89 ] 

No. 47.] MAN. [1908. 

" that this is connected with some tabu, but we certainly cannot know." My only 
answer to this is that xina stands for tabu, and that on page 163, xina ku sola 
futnu is connected with the fish Bafu. 

Under Ndongoism my reviewer says, " It is curious that . . . Mr. Dennett 
" should not have found out that in reality no native worships the tutelary 
'' images." I thought that this matter had been settled long ago. I think if I had 
noticed that the natives really worshipped their fetishes I should not have said that 
it, as a religion, was of small importance, neither could I have quoted the saying 
given in Mote 13, page 85, where the Bavili clearly state that '' God made man and 
" he made the Bakicibaci also." The native^s answer to my question as to whether 
they made images of Nz&mbi seems to me to point to their not looking at them as 
" gods " to be worshipped. I quoted on page 86 the Rev. Comber's view as opposed 
to that of the Bavili, I show how and for what purpose they are used (page 93). 
Because I do not say that the Bavili do not worship these figures I hardly think 
that my reviewer had the right to conclude that I did not recognise the difference 
between the material figiu-e and the nkici behind it. {Notes on the Folklore of the 
Fjort, pages 131, 135.) 

About these figures E. T. goes on to say that in any neighbouring tribe I could 
have found images or charms of identically the same forms to which the same power 
is attributed. Is E. T. quite sure about this ? I tried to separate those of Bavili 
origin from those of the kingdoms of Mayombe and Kakongo. Mavungu and 
Mlialimundemhi^ the great Kakongo fetishes, used often to be seen in Loango, but 
they were not of Loango origin, and certainly had no equal in size nor in figure in 
that country. Smaller local figures may have had the reputed power, but the 
popularity of these great figures rather proved that in fact they had not their 

E. T. says that my translation of the word matali " is inexact, it simply means 
*' rocks — nothing but rocks, and no idea of sun and heat is connected with it." I do 
not agree with him. On pages 101 and 102 I draw my reader's attention to eight 
compound words ; Nos. 2 and 3 are composed of words with an opposite meaning. 
It is not unlikely, therefore, that No. 4 should be of a like composition. The Bavili 
certainly do recognise a difference between mania and matali. Mania are the com- 
paratively cold stones found in rivers, but matali are the hot stones strewn about the 
hills ; xi tali is an axe or a hatchet, bu tali is iron. Mania, then, are not the stones 
that produce the hatchet nor iron. Mania-Matuli on this particular occasion are 
personified ideas. Mania the natives told me meant the '' princely womb." Ma, then, 
is not a plural sign but a title of honour. Now Ngonde or ngondia means the moon, 
or Ngd's womb. Ngo is Kongo's wife, the mother of all the people {see page 51). 
She, then, is the ma in the word ma nia. Ma?iia and 7igonde personify the same power, 
possibly motherhood. 

In the same way the ma in the word ma tali is not a plural sign, but a title also. 
We find this root ta in the word tata, father, as well as in the word ntangu or 
ntangua. The verb ta has a very indefinite meaning. Ta is a bow ; now a gun ; 
it expresses the noise made by the arrow whizzing through the air. Ntangu was 
translated as mother chaser ; it also means, of course, the sun. Ta here, then, is 
to chase. The substantive " chaser " would be n-ta-i, which, by euphonic law, 
would become ntali, the li in the word ntangu being elided. Ma tali is thus 
connected with fatherhood and the sun. It is not, then, because mania-matadi represent 
hot and cold stones that they stand for the sun and the moon, but because both 
they and ?itangu- ngonde personify fatherhood and motherhood. 

Again, it is a riddle to my reviewer how in the word mtoici 1 find the stem mbu, 
Ci or si is a word that gives the syllable it follows a sense of originality. The word 

[ 90 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No8. 47-48. 

mu is found written mbu, and both mean the ocean. P^re Visseq writes it mou; 
Bentlej writes it mbu. The euphonic law, causing this change from mu to mbu, 
from ma to mba^ from mo to mboy will be found on page 522 of Bentlej^s Kongo 

In his next paragraph E. T. says, " If Mr. Dennett has no better reason than 
**' those given in his book, it is on a shaky basis that he builds up the fundamental 
■*' law of the BaviH as spoken by the Maloango." Yes, perhaps E. T. is right, as 
the so-called lessons were not taken down directly from the mouth of Maloango. But 
my reviewer seems to forget that what he calls the fundamental law is not only founded 
on these lessons, but really on the 144 or so Bakicibaci^ which are given quite apart 
from the lessons, and which centuries ago certainly were much more perfectly taught. 
Each of these sacred words may be said to speak volumes, but we cannot read them, 
alas I I have rescued the names of these Bakicibaci from obscurity, my successors may 
perhaps do much with them. 

I must end this by thanking my able reviewer for the evident care with which 
he has been good enough to read my book. R. E. DENNETT. 

Crete. Burrows. 

The Discoveries in Crete^ and their bearing on the History of Ancient IQ 
Civilisation, By Professor Ronald M. Burrows. With illustrations. Reprinted, TU 
with addenda on the season's work of 1907. Murray, 1907. 5j. nett. 

Professor Burrows* admirable little book has already been reprinted, with additions, 
and we hear that a third reprint is probable. This, for a book origioally published in 
the summer of 1907, is good. It goes to show, firstly, that cheapness will atone for lack 
of illustrations, and secondly, that there is a public which is keenly interested in the 
Cretan discoveries, and wants to know more about them. This is as it should be, for 
the most important discoveries in Crete have been made by British explorers, Messrs. 
Evans and Mackenzie, and the others by Americans and Italians. Oddly enough, in 
<!Jrete the Germans are nowhere. Not only have they never attempted to dig there — 
(the French have, and unsuccessfully) — but their comments on the results of the 
■Cretan excavations have been unfortunate. Professor Doerpfeld's criticism of the 
Knossos results has been refuted by Dr. Mackenzie, and shown to rest upon complete 
misapprehensions. The German deductions from their work on the Mycenaoan sites 
of the Greek mainland are hardly sufficient to enable them to sit in judgment on 
Cretan work. Had they dug in Crete their criticisms of the Cretan work would 
have carried some weight ; as it is, they are not impressive. 

Professor Burrows is justifiably insistent on this point, and with his support of 
Dr. Mackenzie most of us who have seen Knossos and the excavations in progress 
"will join. 

Professor Burrows' main position is that of sympathy with the views of Drs. 
Evans and Mackenzie, which, however, he subjects to a certain amount of useful criti- 
•cism. His book is not a mere popular abrege of the various articles in the Journal of 
Hellenic Studies, the Annual of the British School at Athens, and the Rendicanti dei 
Linceiy in which the English and Italian explorers have published their results, but a 
critical and comparative examination of them, which leads the critic to a cordial agree- 
ment with, and advocacy of, their views. A critical book of this sort on the subject, 
published at a low price, has been needed for some time past, even though it must 
necessarily be an ephemeral treatise, like all such written while the discoveries described 
are still in progress. Drs. Evans and Mackenzie are starting this year to excavate a 
"Whole region of the great palace -complex at Knossos, which has hitherto not been 

[ 91 ] 

No. 48.] MAN. [1908. 

touched, and in the course of the work will no doubt be led by further discoveries ta 
formulate new conclusions and modify old ones. So that Professor Burrows may have- 
to write a new book very shortly ! But this fact does not detract in the slightest 
degree from the value of his present work. Critical and suggestive books of this kind 
have a permanent value, in that they arrest and focus the attention at a certain period 
of the development of the work which they describe ; they are landmarks of its pro- 
gress, since they mark the development of general interest in and understanding of it. 
And at the time of publication they perform good service in suggesting new points of 
view to the excavators as well as to the great body of those who are interested in 
their work. 

On the important point of the racial and linguistic affinities of the " Minoau " 
Cretans the usual doctrine is that they were " Mediterranean " Southerners, who si)oke- 
non- Aryan languages, not " Indo-European "-speaking Northerners. But Professor 
Burrows does not altogether dismiss the possibility that they may have been " Aryans " 
after all, quoting Mr. Cowley's analysis of the later Eteocretan inscriptions, which 
would seem to be in an Indo-European language, specially kin to Venetic. At the 
same tim« Professor Burrows notes that this proves notbing as to the language of 
the Minoans, of which we shall know nothing till we can read their hieroglyphed 
tablets ! Meanwhile, the fact remains that Lycian is not considered hy Fick, 
Kretschmer, and other philologists who have analysed what wo know of it, to be by 
any possibility Indo-European. The same authorities consider that there are among 
Greek place-names and in certain Greek words elements of non-Indo-European origin- 
The Greeks themselves believed that (iapfiapoi lived in the land before them. What 
is more natural than to suppose that Lycian was a survival of the old pre-Aryan 
tongue that was spoken in Greece before the Aryan-speakers came down from the 
north with their language, which combined with the older tongue to form "Greek"? 
This theory would fit in well with the view of the ethnologists that the Mediterranean 
has always been inhabited by a dolichocephalic dark race, into which the brachy- 
eephalic fair people from the north intruded. This intrusion must be placed after 
the fall of the Minoan culture. The Minoans were dolichocephalic ; they represented 
themselves, and the Egyptians represented them, uniformly as dark-haired and 
ruddy-complexioned ; the red-haired and fair (xanthochroic) type of Homer's heroes, 
the brae hy cephalic skulls of the Hellenic statues, came into the land later ; they are 
the Aryan stock which died out in Greece before the Roman period, after imposing 
on the inhabitants a language Indo-European in structure, but naturally containing^ 
elements derived from their original non-Aryan idiom. That is the usual theory, 
which Professor Burrows states fully, but at the same time notes that the evidence 
as to Eteocretan may prove an earlier Aryan wave, before that of the Hellenes from 
the north, and that the Minoan culture may, but need not necessarily, be the civilisation 
of this pre-IIellenic wave ; he quite rightly insists that the Eteocretans are not without 
question to be regarded as the later descendants of the Minoan Cretans. 

If Eteocretan is Indo-European, the theory of an earlier Aryan wave from Italy 
and the Adriatic is probable enough. I would suggest that this western wave is to* 
be connected with the known historical fact of a great eastward migration of Mediter- 
ranean tribes in the thirteenth century B.C., which caused widespread displacements 
of population in the iEgean, and drove waves of invaders upon the shores of Syria 
and Egypt. Among these invaders were many tribes of probable Cretan origin, and 
one, which all tradition as well as arclueological evidence brings from Crete, the 
Philistine people, settled permanently in Palestine ; it is very tempting to regard them 
as Minoans expelled from Crete by the Italian Aryan tribes from the west. As usual^ 
in the course of Vdlkerwanderungen^ as was the case in Europe in the fifth century 
A.D., invaders were mingled with invaded, expellers with expelled, often in the same 

[ 92 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 48. 

movement. Thus we may explain such names as Shardina and Shakalsha and 
Tuirsha as really of Italian origin, though also referring to the settlements in Asia 
Minor of the tribes from Italy. The traditional connection between the Etruscans and 
the Lydians is well known. 

The possibility of another Aryan wave of different type from Asia Minor must 
not be left out of account. The Khatti or Hittites were certainly closely related to 
the Mitannians of Northern Mesopotamia, who, we now know from Dr. Winckler's 
discoveries at Boghaz Koi, were pure Iranians, and worshipped among their chief 
gods Mitra, Indra, Varuna, and the Nasatya-twins. In the cuneiform spelling the 
names hardly differ from the well-known Sanskrit forms. This was in the fourteenth 
century B.C.* If the Hittites were Aryan Iranians too, and their kingdom extended, 
as is probable, west of the Halys as far as the Phrygian mountain-mass, I would point 
out that we have possibilities of actual Iranian invasion of the JEgean basin at an 
early period which cannot be left out of account. And there are odd resemblances 
here and there between the Minoan and Hittite cultures, though the latter was early 
Babylonized. But these resemblances may be due to the pre-Iranian " Mediterranean " 
■element in Asia Minor, which may have combined with the invading Iranians to form 
the Hittite nation. 

Such is the welter of theories in which we are still struggling, and they will all 
with the exception of some of the very latest developments which I have sketched 
above, be found fully discussed by Professor Burrows. In his appendix he definitely 
accepts Dr. Mackenzie's argument as to the southern origin of the Minoans, derived 
from their costume of the simple waistcloth like that of the Egyptians, which ought to 
come from a warm climate, obviously Africa. The cogency of this argument from the 
waistcloth has been present to the minds of those who are interested in the subject for 
some time past, but I believe that Dr. Mackenzie was the first to print it, and Professor 
Burrows is the first commentator to insist upon its importance. It fits in well with 
what comparative archseology teaches us as to the possible primitive connection or even 
identity of origin of the civilisations of Egypt and the JEgean. Africa, perhaps the 
Nile-Delta itself (the original land of the ffa-nebu)^ may have been the original 
"jamping-off -place " of the jEgeans. The peoples migrate from a colder to a warmer 
<;limate usually, no doubt, but why not also sometimes from a very warm to a less 
warm one ? 

Professor Burrows describes with some detail the discoveries in Southern Russia 
of a Deolithic culture where pottery is closely akin to that of Minoan Crete. The chief 
-explorer, Dr. Schmidt, seems to assume that this culture, which he regards as Indo- 
European, was the ^^ mother'* of the Minoan civilisation. But in his second appendix 
{September 1907) Professor Burrows shows that the discoveries of Dr. Vasic, director 
of the Belgrade Museum, prove that the so-ca'lled " neolithic " culture of Servia, 
•closely related to that of Southern Russia, is the ^^ daughter *' rather than even 
the "sister" of the prehistoric Greek civilisation. .ZEgean influence, if not actual 
iEgean immigration, passed up the Yardar valley into Servia, where figures with the 
waistcloth are found, and also through Thrace to the Black Sea and South Russia. 
Probably Dr. Schmidt has never seriously considered the theory of African (Mediterra- 
nean) origin of the ^gean culture at all. It is difficult for some to throw off the yoke 
of the idea that everything civilised in Europe must necessarily be the invention 
of Aryan-speaking peoples. And a Russian archaeologist is j)erhaps rather ificlined to 
regard things Greek from the point of view of Russia, his starting-place is the 
Aryan north, whereas the Italians, planted in the Mediterranean, and we, with our 

* Mitt. d4ir DetUschen Orlent'GcselUchaft^ Dec. 1907. The importance of this discovery to the 
^udy of Aryan origins is obvious. 

[ 93 ] 

Nob. 48-49.] MAN. [1908. 

national faculty of transplantation, and caring nothing whether we are, or the Minoan& 
were, Aryans or not, can regard the early peoples of Southern Europe from a 
Mediterranean point of view and without pro- Aryan prejudices. 

An important feature in Professor Burrows' book is the very full treatment of the 
Egyptian evidence. His examination of the various schemes of Egyptian chronology 
is very good. All are now practically agreed on a point of the utmost importance 
to the Minoologists, if we can so call them ; that is, the date of the eighteenth 
dynasty, with which the Knossian periods, " Late Minoan " I, II, and (the beginning 
of) III, were contemporary, as we know from the evidence of the tombs of Rekhmara 
and Senmut at Egyptian Thebes, besides countless smaller items of evidence, which 
are cumulative. It is agreed that the eighteenth dynasty did not begin before 
1600 B.C., or end later than about 1330 B.C. The reign of Thothmes III will fall in 
the century between 1550 and 1450, that of Amenhetep III at the end of the fifteenth 
century, and that of Akhenaten at the beginning of the fourteenth, though it may 
be noted that some Assyriologists (c.^., Lehmann-Haupt and Knudtzon) are inclined 
to date Akhenaten rather earlier than is Professor Eduard Meyer. 

About the earlier period agreement has not yet been reached, but if we are to- 
choose between the rival systems of Professor Petrie* and Professor Eduard Meyer, t 
the probabilities are that we shall have to choose the latter ; 1500 years between 
the twelfth and the eighteenth dynasties are impossible to credit. The whole history 
of the world since the foundation of the Roman Empire has only taken 2,000 years ; 
and it is not much more than 1,500 years since the last Egyptian hieroglyphs were 
sculptured on a temple-wall. And how have nations and tongues changed in the time ! 
Yet the other horn of the dilemma, the necessity of forcing the thirteenth dynasty 
and the Hyksos period into a period of only two centiu-ies and a half is difficult 
enough to surmount, although Professor Meyer essays the task. Professor Burrows' 
own inclination is strongly in favour of Meyer's chronology, but there are still some 
important points to be cleared up before all of us will accept it unreservedly.J Mean- 
while, for those who must have dates, and cannot be content with dateless dynanties, 
for the period before the eighteenth dynasty Brugsch's system of dead reckoning 
based on Manctho will probably still continue to be used, with reservations. Certainty 
only begins with the eighteenth dynasty. 

Professor Burrows is to be congratulated on his able discussion of this subject — 
a thorny one — which most Greek archasologists before him have been inclined to 
avoid, if not to ignore. H. R. HALX* 

Melanesia. Parkinson. 

Drcissig Jahre in der Siidsee. Land und Leute^ Sitten und Gehrduche J A 
im Bismarckarchipel und auf den deutschen Salomoinseln. Von R. Parkinson. TU 
Herausgegeben von Dr. B. Ankermann, Direktorial-Assistent am Koniglichen Museum 
fiir Volkerkunde zu Berlin. Mit 56 Tafeln, 4 Karten und 141 Textabbildungen, 
Stuttgart : Strecker und Schroder, 1907. Pp. xxii + 876. 24 x 17 cm. Price 
16 marks. 

This book deals with one of the most interesting, and still one of the least known 
parts of the world, the last asylum of " the Anthropophagi and men whose heads do 
*' grow beneath their shoulders," represented in modern travellers' tales as tailed men^ 

* lieAcurctwA in Si/niy 190r>. f Ahhandl. kgl. preu.^s. Akad.^ 1004. 

J £.g.^ in his latest pronouncement on the difficult subject of the thirteenth dynasty (^Shzher, 
jfreujtj*. Ahid., 1907), PiofCvHsor Meyer accepts almost entirely an arrangement (proposed by Dr. Pieper) 
to which objection may be raised. And to find room for all the known Hyksos kings in the short 
pcrioil demanded by the German scholars is a considerable tax on one's ingenuity I 

[ 9-1 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 49. 

pigmy races, and the lost Ten Tribes. And no one is better qualified to write about 
this terra ineognUa than Herr Parkinson, who has been resident in the South Seaa 
for thirtj-three years, and for the last sixteen in the Gazelle Peninsula, New Britain.. 
Much of the Bismarck Archipelago is still unexplored ; there are many districts in 
New Britain where no white man has penetrated, where no word of the language is 
known, and where life is untoucheil by white civilisation. But in other parts every- 
thing is changing with startling rapidity. Many of the customs described by Herr 
Parkinson are either dying out or altogether dead, and the next generation will know 
nothing about them. Native ceremonies, beliefs, administration, and social practices 
are weakened or eradicated by European influence or supplanted by European sub- 
stitutes. Already natives bring their sons to show them in Herr Parkinson's collections 
objects once in use but now not to be seen elsewhere, and Herr Parkinson prophesies 
that before more than twenty-five years have passed the natives of New Britain and 
New Ireland will visit the museums of Europe and gaze at the weapons and imple- 
ments of their forefathers with the same astonishment as that with which we study 
those of our Stone Age ancestors. 

Under these circumstances, with parts of the islands still unexplored, and parts- 
already demoralised by white civilisation, it is impossible to give a full or complete 
description of the area as a whole, and Herr Parkinson laments the gaps in his record,, 
some of which can never be filled in. 

The volume is divided into twelve sections, the first seven of which treat of 
different parts of Melanesia : New Britain, the French Islands, and Duke of York ; 
New Ireland, New Hanover, etc. ; Saint Matthias, etc. ; the Admiralty Islands ; the 
Western Islands (Ninigo, etc.) ; the German Solomons, Nissan, and the Carteret 
Islands ; and the Eastern Islands (Nuguria, etc.). These separate areas are first 
described, then their inhabitants, and the author's familiarity with the natives, in 
particular in New Britain, enables him to give a full record of native life in all its 
aspects, illustrated by excellent photographs. The later sections are devoted to general 
subjects dealing with the area as a whole : Secret Societies, Totemism, Masks and 
Mask Dances, Folk-Tales, Beliefs, and Languages. A short chapter treats of the 
native food-supply, agriculture and hunting, and the final part gives a history of the 
discovery of the various islands. 

Herr Parkinson attempts to answer the question as to the origin and affinities of 
the inhabitants of the Bismarck Archipelago by noting their similarity to the Australians 
(especially marked between the inhabitants of New Britain and Queensland), and more 
particularly to the extinct Tasmanians. In support of a theory of common origin he 
inserts Wallace's map of Australia (p. 245) at the beginning of the Tertiary Period^ 
when Eastern Australia consisted of a narrow strip of land from Cape York to 
Tasmania, and was inhabited by a woolly-haired race of men, nearly allied to, if not 
identical with the people of central New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago. In 
the same geological period Western Australia, sepai'ated from Eastern Australia by a. 
broad expanse of sea, was occupied by a different race of men, probably allied to the 
Alfuro. When the rising of the land had 'connected Eastern and Western Australia, 
the smooth-haired Westerners pressed in, and destroyed and mixed with the woolly- 
haired peoples of the East, leaving the Tasmanians (later protected by the formation 
of Bass's Straits) untouched. 

The present inhabitants of the islands show everywhere traces of admixture, 
straight and frizzly hair, dark and light complexions, occurring in bewildering proximity. 
The purest type is that found in the German Solomons, especially in Bougainville, 
where its preservation is due to the fierce and suspicious character of the natives, but 
even here the coast villages show signs of light-skinned, straight-haired Polynesian 
intrusions. Herr Parkinson does not place nuicli reliance on the test of skin colour, 

[ 95 ] 

Nos. 49-50.] MAN. [1908. 

and be gives an interesting example of its variability in tbe case of two Germans who 
settled in one of the Duke of York group of islands. Tiiey wore no clothes, spent all 
day long exposed to the sun, and adopted a vegetarian diet. In course of time they 
retained nothing but their fair hair and beards to distinguish them from the Samoau 
missionaries in the same islands. 

The inhabitants of New Britain are divided by Herr Parkinson into four 
groups : — 

1. The inhabitants of the north-east part of the Gazelle Peninsula, who probably 

came across from the south of New Ireland. 

2. The Baining, in the mountains to the south of the Gazelle Peninsula, 

representing the aboriginal inhabitants of the island. 

3. The peoples of the interior to the south of the Gazelle Peninsula, such as 

the Sulka, Gaktei, etc. 

4. The people to the west of the Gazelle Peninsula, nearly related to the 

inhabitants of New Guinea. 

Of these the Baining are the most interesting, as representing the aboriginal in- 
habitants of the island, now driven to take refuge in the mountains from the invasions 
of the New Irelanders, with a higher grade of culture. The Baining have no tabu 
(shell money), no Duk duk^ and no sea-craft. They make stone clubs with a heavy 
pierced knob of a type not elsewhere found nearer than in parts of New Guinea. 
They have characteristic dances and peculiar mask-like hats. They differ physically 
from their neighbours in their smaller build, and are at a lower grade of culture and 
inferior in mental ability. In the author's Volksstdmme Neupommerns (Abhandlungen 
und Berichte des Kbniglichen Museums zu Dresden^ Festschrift^ 1899. No. 5) a group 
to the south of the Gazelle Peninsula was identified with the Baining, but this is now 
found to be incorrect. 

The further west one travels in New Britain the more the natives resemble those 
of New Guinea, the " Semitic " nose being especially noticeable. A chief from Hau- 
namhafen, when decorated, at his request, with Herr Parkinson's pince-nez^ might, the 
latter tells us, have posed for a typical Jewish banker in the Fliegefider Blatter, 

It is interesting to find that while, on the one hand, many fictions regarding these 
regions vanish in the light of scientific research ; on the other hand, travellers' tales 
take their place securely in the realms of fact. For example, the account of the caging 
of the girls in New Ireland, though resting on good authority, has often been regarded 
with suspicion, but the fact is now established beyond dispute. Herr Parkinson gives 
two photographs of the tiny hut made of plaited palm leaves, raised above the level 
of the floor, in which the girl is confined for twelve to twenty months before matrimony. 
The main objects seem to be fattening and blanching, both being considered most 
important aids to beauty in Melanesian eyes. No one but members of her family are 
allowed to see th^ girl who is undergoing this beautifying process, but Herr Parkinson 
was fortunate enough to see one who had only just emerged from her seclusion ; her 
skin was as fair as that of a somewhat dark Samoan, and she was ^^ as fat as a pig,** 
.and she sat surrounded by an admiring group of women, who from time to time 
stroked her fat arms and legs, or patted her bulging cheeks. A, H, Q. 


An exhibition of one hundred facsimiles of Bushman rock paintings and CA 
chippings, copied by Miss Helen Tongue, is being held in the Library of the lIU 
Koyal Anthropological Institute, and will remain open until June 6th. 

Printed by Eybe and Spottiswoode Ltd., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 

Plate G, 

Man', 1908. 

Vhuto U'wit a^ii rat. 


1908.] MAN. [No. 51. 

Obituary : Evans. With Plate Q. Avebury. 

sir John Evans, K.CXB., D.O.L., F.R.8. Born November ITth, 1823; CI 
died May Slot, 1908. Bi/ (he Right Hon. Lord Avebury, D.CL., F.R.S. 91 

In Sir John Evans the coiintrj has lost one of its greatest citizens, and some of us 
one of our dearest friends. 

He was born on November 17th, 1823, and was the son of the Rev. Arthur 
Benoni Evans, D.D., headmaster of the Grammar School at Market Bosworth in 
Leicestershire, where he received his earlier education. It was at first intended that 
he should go to Oxford ; but he was sent instead to Germany as a preparation for 
a business career. He made himself, however, a good classical scholar, and was well 
versed in Hebrew. 

In May, 1840, when only sixteen, he was brought into the business of his uncle, 
Mr. John Dickinson, F.R.S., founder of the great paper-making concern in which 
he became a partner in 1850, and with which he was actively associated until it was 
tiu-ncil into a limited company in 1885. He remained until his death president of 
the Paper Manufacturers' Association. 

In 1864 he published his great work on the coins of the Ancient Britons, for 
which he received the Allier d'Hauteroche prize from the French Academy. His 
discussion of the derivation of the Ancient British gold coins from the beautiful coins 
of Philip of Macedon is most masterly. 

In 1872 he issued his monumental work on the Ancient Stone Implements, 
Weapons, and Ornaments of Great Britain, and in 1881 that on The Ancient Bronze 
Implements, Weapons, and Ornaments of Great Britain and Ireland, which are still 
the two standard works on their respective subjects. He also contributed many 
memoirs to archaeology, to the journal of the Numismatic and other scientific 

From boyhood he was an enthusiastic collector, and had certainly the finest 
private collection of antiquities in this country, or perhaps in the world. It is 
difficult to say whether his collection of coins, of gold ornaments, of bronze 
objects, or of stone implements was the most interesting, valuable, and illustrative 
of tlie subject. 

In 1852 he was elected a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, and in 1864 of the 
Royal Society, of which he was elected vice-president in 1876, and treasurer for no 
less than twenty years — from 1878 to 1898 — and several times vice-president. 

He became secretary of the Numismatic Society in 1849, and president in 1874,. 
an office which he retained for over thirty years ; in fact till his death — a length of office 
almost without a precedent. 

He was president of the Geological Society in 1874-6, of the Anthropological 
Institute in 1878-9, of the Society of Antiquaries from 1885 to 1892, and of the 
Egypt Exploration Fund from 1899 to 1906. He was president of the Society of 
Chemical Industry in 1893, of the Ethnological Department of the British Association 
in 1870, of the Geological in 1875, of the Anthropological m 1890, and of the British 
Association as a whole at the Toronto meeting in 1897. In 1900 he was chairman 
of the Society of Arts. In 1880 the Geological Society presented him with the Lyell 
medal. In 1865 he was elected by the committee a member of the Athenaeum Club, 
the only honour which Herbert Spencer would ever accept. He was a D.C.L. of 
Oxford, LL.D. of Dublin, D.Sc. of Cambridge, D.C.L. of Toronto, and honorary 
member of various foreign societies. In 1892 he was created a Knight Commander 
of the Bath ; he was a correspondent of the French Academy, and a trustee of the 
British Museum since 1885. 

[ 97 ] 

Nob. 61-62.] MAN. [1908. 

Besides being a great man of science and a successful man of business, Sir John 
Evans took a most active and useful part in local affairs, for which his capacity was 
first rate. He was High Sheriff in 1881, chairman of Quarter Sessions, vice-chairman 
and afterwards chairman of the Hertfordshire County Council, and when he retired 
from the chairmanship his colleagues presented him with his portrait by Mr. John 
Collier and a silver-gilt cup. As the fVesl Herts Observer said, " His masterly grasp 
" of essentials, his statesmanlike vision, his marvellous capacity for public business 
" of all kinds was the admiration of all who knew him. And now, mourned by a 
" whole county for whose welfare he worked so long and so strenuously, he goes to 
" his rest full of days and full of honours." 

The trusteeship of the British Museum afforded opportunities both for his scientific 
and administrative abilities. He was one of the most active and useful members of 
that eminent body. 

In private life he was a delightful companion, a genial host, and a staunch friend. 
In 1860 Sir Joseph Prestwich invited Sir J. Evans and me to go with him to Abbeville 
to examine the collections of M. Boucher de Perthes, who had found flint implements in 
the Somme gravels. His figures, however, did not do them justice, and they were 
generally regarded as accidental in their origin. We satisfied ourselves, however, that 
they were indisputably of human workmanship, and the trip was the precursor of many 
others and of a close and intimate friendship of over forty years. 

He first married his cousin, the younger daughter of Mr. John Dickinson ; 
secondly, Miss Phelps. His widow. Lady Evans, a daughter of Mr. Charles C. Lath- 
bury, is herself a classical scholar and a keen antiquary. 

His eldest son, Arthur, has made for himself a great and well-deserved reputation 
as an archaeologist by his interesting discoveries in Crete. He is an F.R.S. — the fifth 
generation of his family to be so. The second son, Lewis, inherits his father's business 
ability and carries on the family business. 

As The Times justly observed, until quite recently " his apparently unfailing 
" vitality seemed to defy the advance of time." He attended the meeting of the 
Trustees of the British Museum on the 23rd May and his mind remained to the last 
as clear, bright, and powerful as ever. But his health had been for some time a source 
of anxiety to his friends. At last an operation became necessary, and he had not 
strength to rally from it. He will be much missed and deeply mourned. 


India. Rose. 

On Caste In India. B^ II. A, Bose^ Local Correspondent of the Boyal CA 

Anthropological Institute, ^^ 

The wholly admirable chapters on "Ethnology and Caste" and "Religions" in the 
new edition of the Imperial Gazetteer of India^ Vol. I., are by Mr. H. H. (now Sir 
Herbert) Risley and Mr. W. Crooke, respectively. Both will doubtless be read with 
the interest they merit, and the following remarks are penned in the hope of inviting 
the attention of anthropologists to them. In one resi)ect the authors were unduly 
handicapped, only sixty-six pages being available for ethnology and caste, and but 
forty-four for religions — not a very generous allotment for such wide subjects when 
dealing with a fifth of the human race. But the authors have done wonders within 
these narrow space-limits. 

It is perhaps to be regretted that caste and ethnology had perforce to be treated 
as one subject, because " ethnology " deals mainly with race, whereas caste is essentially 
a branch of sociology into which race only enters as one of several factors. So diverse, 
however, are the conditions in India, and so confused is Indian thought on this subject, 
that in practice we are often compelled to speak of " tribes and castes " almost as if 

[ 98 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 62. 

thej were synonymous.* It is therefore necessary to caution the English reader against 
a misconception of these terms. A caste is essentially a sociological group (hut 7wt a 
unit), while a trihe is a natural growth from a definite ethnical seed (with, it may be, 
affiliated elements from other sources). To attempt, then, to ascertain the racial origin 
of a caste is to beg the whole question of its constitution. All the main castes in 
India would appear to bo social groups, often very highly organised, but of hetero- 
geneous origin and not ethnically homogeneous. A tribe, on the other hand, is usually 
in the main homogeneous, though extraneous elements may have been absorbed into 
it by the fiction of adoption. 

In the earlier stages of ethnographical investigation in India it was too commonly 
assumed that the main Indian groups were racial units and such expressions as '* the 
Rajput race," " the Jat race," " the Pathan race," still occur far too frequently. The 
Jats, for instance, are a congeries of tribes, the greater number of which have been 
yeomen or peasant cultivators from time immemorial ; but many of them have sunk 
from Rajput status to their present social grade, while others have in all probability 
risen to it, as some are rising even now. 

It is, however, to be remarked that in Ethnology and Caste the Jats, Rajputs, 
AhTrs, Gujars, and other congeries of tribes are spoken of as " castes " of the tribal 
type. For the benefit of those tiresome people who want to define everything, even 
when it is logically indefinable, "caste" is defined on p. 311, as, tw/er a/ia, forming 
a single homogeneous community. To speak, therefore, of the Ja^s as a caste is to 
postulate that they are " homogeneous." But in what are they homogeneous ? In 
race ? — That would assume that the Jats all belong to one race, which is one of the 
most debateable questions in Indian ethnology : or in social status ? — But the Jats 
vary in social status enormously, some, e.^., the ruling families of native states, 
avoiding widow re-marriage, while the ordinary Jat peasantry of the Central Punjab 
practise, even if they do not avow, polyandry. Or are the Jats to be regarded as 
homogeneous in religion ? Certainly not, since many are Sikhs, more Muhammadans, 
and most are Hindus. That they profess to follow the same calling (agriculture) 
may be conceded, but that does not make them homogeneous : by the definition 
homogeneity is a different thing. A caste is " almost invariably " endogamous, but 
the Jats are not so, for while the higher classes of them are extremely particular in 
forming matrimonial alliances, the lower orders are singularly lax and readily espouse 
women of menial castes. No doubt it is highly convenient to talk of the Jat caste, 
and if one regards the definition on p. 311 as an elastic one, it is not open to serious 
objection ; but, strictly speaking, the term *' Jat caste " is incorrect and apt to mislead, 
as soon as we attempt to define the word " caste " rigidly. 

But if one quarrels with a definition one is not unnaturally met with the objec- 
tion that " caste " ought to be defined somehow, and that if the Jats do not form a 
^' caste " they must form something else. The necessity, however, is not apparent. 
Indian institutions are, if possible, even looser than most Indian thought, and we are 
not bound to formulate precise definitions for nebulous Indian social terms or ideas. 
To the precisian it is no doubt trying to find that the native terminology is too vague 
to be translated, but what is one to do with a man who always describes himself as 
a " potter," Kumhar, by race (zat\ although he has never made a pot in his life and 
lives by plying donkeys for hire ? All we can do is to examine the actual facts and 
see how these so-called castes or races are constituted. 

To return to the facts : the Pathans are composed of a congeries of Iranian tribes 

* It is, as a rule, easy to distinguish "caste" from "tribe" in India, but the Indian peoples 
themselves appear to constantly confuse the two things, and tlie looseness of their terminology is largely 
rc8{)onsible for much of our loose writing about *' caste." Dr. Rivers' definition of Caste (Man, 1907, 
p. 142 9upra) is open to certain criticisms. 

[ 99 ] 

No. 52.] MAN. [1908. 

who have affiliated Hindki (Indian) septs. The Rajputs are divided into countless, 
branches, and they comprise thirty-six " royal " clans, one of which is called Huna or 
Hun ; aft there is no reason whatever to imagine that a pure Aryan clan would ever 
gratuitously assume the title of Hun, it is perfectly permissible to suppose that this Rajput 
clan is really Hun by origin and nothing else. It is indeed by no means impossible that 
other Rajput clans are Mongolian or Dravidian in origin, and we know, as a fact, that on 
the borders of Tibet all ruling families assume Rajput status. These facts hardly justify 
the assumption that the Ja^s, Rajputs, or Pa^hans, are of one race by origin ; and, 
looking to the fact that India has been constantly invaded for centuries by various races, 
the probabilities are greatly against any such theory. No doubt the tendency of 
invading races to break up into groups of varying status is very strong in India ; but 
there is also a marked tendency to coalesce into new groups, to form tribal confederacies, 
and even rude political organisations. And into these new groups are admitted not only 
the conquering but the conquered races. Thus, in the Punjab we find tribal con* 
federacies like the Meos, composed of several distinct Rajput elements ; a community 
like the Gaddls, with a rude caste organisation within itself, and a group, which we 
cannot call a caste, of Kanets or hill peasants, some of whose septs are of historically 
proved Rajput origin. In studying the Indian social system we must look at all the 
facts and factors, not merely at the most striking. The salient feature of Indian society 
is its unending Hssiparous tendency ; but its power to combine and crystallise is also 
great, though obscured by the absence of accurate and detailed information. 

It is not then difficult to form some idea of what has happened, as horde after 
horde has invaded India. The invaders are not uniformly or invariably successful. 
Invasions last for years, sometimes for centuries. A body of invaders is defeated 
and reduced to slavery — as not infrequently happened to the earlier Mughal marauders. 
In one tract it establishes itself as a dominant tribe, but is soon reduced to a 
dependent political position, driven to seek a living by cultivation or even handi- 
crafts. The conquered aboriginal race raises its head again, here and there, and 
regains its dominant position, making the invaders its subjects, its landowners, artisans^ 
or even menials. Within recent historic times the Mughal and the Afghan have 
invaded India and added appreciably to its racial ingredients, yet the social position 
of the Mughal and Pathan varies infinitely. The Baloch, another very recent invading 
element, is the dominant race west of the Indus, a rather inferior peasant or camel-man 
,in the southern Punjab, and a criminal tribe near the Jumna further east. What 
history tells us has occiu*red in the past few centiu-ies probably occurred in the 
earlier centuries. From the dawn of history India has not been merely subject to 
countless invasions, but exposed to ceaseless internal convulsions, and in these the 
invaders have lost ground and regained it, lost it again and risen again, until no one 
can say with any certainty that a given tribe represents an aboriginal race because 
it stands low in the social scale, or that a dominant tribe or ruling clan is descended 
from an invading horde. 

As tribes tend to coalesce into confederacies, so do fragments of tribes tend to 
group themselves together into castes, and to a certain extent it is community of 
occupation which binds these heterogeneous units into castes. But, as emphatically 
stated above, caste is not a social unit, every chaste of any importance being split up 
into two or often more sub-castes of markedly different social status. Through the 
social warp runs the woof of occupation, but the warp is of very unequal quality — and 
the woof varies equally, to use a clumsy metaphor. To give an example : — 

The great bulk of the sunars or goldsmiths* belong to the Sunar caste, but the 
Sunars who confessedly belong to this caste are divided into endogamous sub-castes of 

* All goldsmiths are not by caste Sunars, nor arc all SunSrs goldsmiths. Instances of Sunftra 
holding commissioned rank in the Native Army coold be cited. 

[ 100 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 62. 

wholly different traditional origins with different customs and of distinctively different 
social status. So, too, we speak of the Bania caste, but the generic term 6^721^ includes 
very diverse groups, one of which is traditionally Chamar (leather worker) by origin. 
Not to multiply instances, M. Senart's* second criticism (alluded to on p. 337 of 
Vol. I.) appears to be based on a radical misconception of the nature of caste because 
community of occupation, never welded together in a homogeneous whole, scattered units 
which were not already homogeneous. All it did was to unite in a loose organisation 
a number of heterogeneous elements which remained distinct, preserving their relative 
social positions, although the social standing of each was more or less modified by its 
adoption of that occupation. To take a concrete instance : a Khattri who became a 
sunar by occupation eventually sank to a Sunar by caste, while a low-caste man who 
became a Sunar rose in the social scale but never attained to the position held by his 
Khattri-descended caste-fellow. To this day the Ja^ who is descended, or claims to be 
descended, from a Rajput stock holds his head higher than one whose forbears never 
aspired to be anything more than Jat -yeomen. 

If we regard a caste as a heterogeneous body, as in fact every great caste is, we 
shall at once see that caste may be an organism of a lower type than a guild, but it does 
not grow only by fission and each step in its growth detracts little, if at all, from its 
power to advance and preserve the art which it professes to practise (p. 343). On 
the contrary, caste is a real step in advance, it is based in its inception on combination 
and often grows by accretion : its growth may make for progress, since if a segment 
of it adopt higher social usages or a loftier branch of its art that segment will 
inevitably tend to form a sub-caste higher in function and in social standing than 
the backward fragments ; while, if any segment fails to maintain the social and 
functional level of the caste, it will bo cut off and, if not utterly excommunicated, 
confined to a sub-caste of lower standing than the main body. 

Caste in brief is progressive as well as conservative, simply because no caste is 
a rigid social unit. Sociologically, then, caste makes for progress ; but progress is slow 
because little is left to individual initiative, and a substantial fraction of the caste 
must advance in union before progress is possible. This is consonant with the whole 
scheme of Hinduism, which does not proselytise the individual but the clan, which 
will permit no individual man to rise to a higher caste, but will readily raise a 
whole family, or preferentially a whole tribe, at a bound from casteless savagery to 
Rajput status. t 

So much for caste. To return to ethnology we read on p. 290 of " the curiously 
" close correspondence between the gradations of racial type indicated by the nasal 
" index and certain of the social data ascertained by independent enquiry." Upon 

* It is not easy to take M. Scnart seriously as a writer on Caste : e.g,^ on p. 30 of Leit Cartes daw 
rindey he says, " Le morcellcment en sept castes semble, si j'ose ainsi parler, Stre de style dans le 
Penjah." It has puzzled the present writer for years to conjecture on what authority this suggestion 
is based. It is not based on facts. 

t These remarks lead us to a consideration of the late Mr. Nesfield's theory of caste. That writer, 
one of the most suggestive who have ever discussed the origin of caste, laid great stress upon function 
as the foundation of cast«, but he undoubtedly pushed his theory to an extreme in paralleling caste 
with the progressive stages of culture. Moreover, his functional theory of caste appears to be open to 
grave criticism, in that it fancifully classifies castes in the order of their chronological development 
instead of the order of their intrinsic status. In every society the warrior, the scholar, and the priest 
rank higher than the artisan, the menial, the serf, or even the trader. Nesfield, then, had no necessity 
to seek a clue to the gradations or formation of caste in the history of human industries. It is sufficient 
to look to their natural gradation. But Nesfield rendered great services to the study of caste by 
emphasising the importance of function. When he wrote the internal organisation of caste had not 
been fully studie*!, and it is a (juestion whether it has even yet been adeijuately iuvestigate<l. But the 
more it is examined the greater does the influence of function appear to be, although function is 
certainly not the sole factor in the evolution of caste. 

[ 101 ] 

No. 52.] MAN. [1908. 

this correspondence is based, we must understand, the racial theory of caste. It is not^ 
however, quite clear that the nasal index indicates any gradations of racial type. To 
paraphrase a sentence on p. 290, might it not be found that, if we took a series of 
social classes in England, France, or Germany, and arranged them so that the class with 
the finest nose should bo at the top, and that with the coarsest nose at the bottom of 
the list, this order would substantially correspond with the accepted order of social 
precedence ? Let us state the racial theory for France. The old noblesse was once 
regarded as a foreign element of Germanic origin, whose racial antagonism to the lower 
orders was one of the causes of the Revolution. But Fustel de Coulanges demolished 
that theory when he showed that there had been a strong infusion of Germanic blood 
into even the lowest classes, notably among the colonic while the Gallo-Roman nobility 
were by no means wholly replaced by Germans. If, then, it were discovered that the 
old noblesse had a higher type of nose than the French peasantry, would it follow 
that the former were of a different race to the latter ? 

But whatever the answer to this question might be, the order of social precedence 
described on pp. 324 to 328 does not appear to be established or accepted. As 
the account of the Brahman groups on p. 326 shows, there are Brahmans and 
Brahmans, some very low down indeed in the social caste scale, even in Bengal, so that 
it is not easy to understand why the first class is reserved for the Brahmans, many of 
whom only hold third-class tickets. Outside Bengal, notably in the Punjab, the 
Brahmans vary more markedly in status. Some of them stand, no doubt, on the top rung 
of the social ladder, but many are so degraded by function that they are the lowest 
of the low. Barely on a level with the unclean sweeper is the " sin-eating " Brahman 
who takes offerings after a death, yet even he finds other Brahmans to disdain, for he 
has sin-eaters of his own, the outcasts of an outcast whose degradation no words can 
describe. As a body the Brahmans have no claims to be ranked high in the social 
scale, and, if they have anywhere such a claim, the account of their origin and varying 
fortunes on pp. 404, 406-7, and 412 of this work shows that they are in no sense of 
a higher or purer race than the groups from which they sprang. As a matter of fact, 
we know that some Brahmans are of aboriginal blood. History tells us of no Brahman 
race, but it does tell us of Brahman dynasties promoted to Kajput status. In the face 
of facts like these how can it be maintained that the two sets of observations, the 
social and the physical, bear out and illustrate each other (p. 290) ? The high nasal 
index of the Bengali Brahman is surely not due to racial superiority. 

The contrast between the Gujars and Sikhs of the Punjab and the Mai Paharlas of 
Bengal is most instructive. As we go eastwards into a hotter, damper, and more ener- 
vating climate the physical type deteriorates. Centuries of residence in such a climate 
develop the " aboriginal " type, and invading or immigrant races breed down to this 
type with extraordinary rapidity. A remarkable illustration of this degeneration, or it 
may be adaptability, is found in Burma, where the near descendants of Europeans by 
Burmese women hardly retain a trace of their European blood. Yet the fact that they 
are ])artly of European blood is undeniable. It is significant that the marked differences 
in the nasal indices are as between the Punjab and Bengal, not as between the highest 
caste and the lowest in the same Province. 

In conclusion a few remarks may be offered on the system of anthropometry essential 
in India. It is not sufficient to take the measurement of a caste or race as a whole. It is 
of vital importance to obtain measurements of comparatively small homogeneous groups 
whose status and descent can be ascertained with some degree of precision. To take an 
example, the Sikhs are a religious community recruited from Ja^s (mainly), Khattris, 
Aroras, Brahmans, Labanas and even Chuhi-as (the latter are on conversion admitted into 
the Mazbl groups in due course). Brahman and Khattri Sikhs would probably exhibit a 
distinctlv higher nasal index than Chuhi'as or even Labanas. Again, in measuring 

[ 102 ] 



[Nos. 62-53. 

Brahmans it would be useless to lump together Sarsuts, who minister to Khattris and 
Aroras with Chiimarwis, who minister to Chamars : nor would it be satisfactory to 
confuse the higher functional groups with the Dakauts and Giijaratis or with the 
Pushkarnas. To measure any caste in the lump is to assume its ethnical homogeneity, 
the main point in issue. The field in India is so Tast that anthropometrical data can 
only be accumulated by degrees and the fullest local knowledge is necessary if the 
measurements are to possess any final value. H. A. ROSE. 



Fig. 1. 


Pal8»ollthlc MIcrollths. By the Rev. H. G. 0. Kendall, M,A. 
In some collections of prehistoric antiquities minute specimens of human 
handicraft may bo found. Fig.l is a case in point, an exquisite little borer made from 
a piece of a broken flake. The trimming near the point is exceedingly 
delicate and is done from each face alternately. The little tool probably 
belongs to the British period, and all of those above mentioned are of 
Neolithic age. They are accepted by antiquaries as being the work of 
man's hand without question. Many of them consist of flakes with good 
bulbs. The violence of natural phenomena caimot be responsible for them, 
inasmuch as they are found on the surface of the ground. 

In 1903 I dug out in situ some Palaeolithic implements (now in the 
British Museum) at Welwyn at a depth of about 12 feet in some thin layers of 
gravelly sand. Here also I found flakes and trimmed pieces of flint, together with 
tiny flakes, &c., similar in kind to the above-mentioned neolithic microliths. Some of 

them range from J inch to 1 inch in length and show 
evident signs of manipulation after having been struck 
off from the parent block. 

Not long after my Welwyn finds my friend, 
Mr. F. J. Bennett, brought to light numbers of re- 
markable microliths, even smaller than mine, from 
quarternary gravels in Essex and elsewhere. He 
requested me to examiue the gravel at Knowle Farm 
Pit, Savernake. At that time a good section in the 
river silt was open and I had dug out implements of 
normal size in situ. Some of these occurred in a thin sandy stratum and were 
scarcely, if at all, water-rolled. 

On examining this fine silt I found in it large quantities of microliths and minute 
flakes. By microliths I mean tiny flakes or other pieces of flint which have been 
trimmed or used by man at some part of the edge, and in some cases even flaked over 
the outer face. They occur in large numbers only in the fine silt. Outside of this it 
is not nearly so easy to find them. The same holds 
true of implements, &c., of normal size in this pit. 
Some of these delicate, and sometimes beautiful, little 
tools would, if found upon the surface, be picked up 
as interesting and excellent neoliths. I append figures 
of some of them. There are others in my collection 
which are smaller, by a good deal, even than Fig. 6. 
Fig. 2 is really a small implement niade from a flake ^iq 3 

and flaked all over the outer face, except on the dotted 

portion, which represents a patch of the original crust. Like many implements of 
normal size it has been used for scraping on the lower right edge in the face view. 
As may be seen from the edge view, it is here as definitely chipped as any 

[ 103 ] 

Fig. 2. 

Nos. 53-54.] 



Fio. 4. 

Fig. 5. 

neolithic scraper. The implement has also been used at the right upper edge, which 
is finer. The stone is blackish, lustrous, and scarcely abraded, and was raked out 
in situ. 

Fig. 3 is a beautiful little tool, lustrous and of a yellowish-brown colour. It is 
evidently a borer and takes the tip of the forefinger and 
thumb very conveniently. The outer face and one edge 
view are represented. 

Fig. 4 is minutely chipped almost all round the edges. 
It, also, is a borer. But, in addition, it has been chipped to 
a tiny cutting edge, in the most regular and beautiful 
manner at the right-hand lower edge of the inner face. The drawings of it are, from 
left to right, outer face, edge view, inner face with bulb of percussion at the bottom. 
There is a remarkable smoothness about parts of this little stone, as though constant 
attrition in use had affected some of its surfaces. Fig. 5 is a first-class little scraper, 

with bulb of percussion on the inner face and edge 
chipping all round the horseshoe end. At the 
right-hand shoulder in the first drawing on the left 
is some minute detailed and regular chipping such 
as one frequently sees on the same part of palaeo- 
lithic scrapers of normal size (of which I have a 
number) from this pit, and on some neoliths also. Both the side edges have also 
been used. The left-hand drawing is accidentally made with too straight and too 
slanting a top. The other views show inner face (with more correct drawing of the 
horseshoe end), horseshoe end showing chippings, and edge view. The stone is 
actually re-chipped from an older tool, as plainly as many a re-chipped 
neolithic scraper. 

Fig. 6 is a tiny implement of ovate type, chipped all over both 
faces, and used at one end for scraping. It speaks wonders for the 
skill and ingenuity, and perhaps the humour, of palajolithic man 
that he could fashion so tiny a thing in stone. 

Fig. 7 is a scraper, with bulb on the inner face. It is minutely and beautifully 
chipped, on one face or the other, round its edges. 

The stones are drawn natural size. I have other beautiful little instruments in my 
collection. All the best, such as those figured here, are as plainly the products of human 
skill as any neolithic tool. There can be no doubt whatever that the latest palasolitbic 
men at this site, and, to some extent, those of an earlier period also, did some extra- 
ordinarily fine work with these minute tools. What that 
work was we have yet to find out. 

It should be added that some minute chips not worked 
at the edges are, no doubt, mere waste fragments from 
the manufacture of larger tools. These, however, are not 
trimmed at the edges. It is manifest that just as some 
of the flukes of normal size, knocked off in the manufacture of an implement, 
were re-touched and used, and others were not, so also has it been with the minute 
specimens. H. G. O. KENDALL. 

Malay Peninsula : Folklore. Scrivenop. 

Malay Bolleft concerning Prehistoric Stone Impiemenis. Bi/ Ci 

J. B. Scrivenor, (Commnincafcd by the Secretary,) iKf 

Last June, when in the company of a number of Fellows of the Royal Antiux)- 

pological Institute, I mentioned a curious belief held by the Malays of the Federated 

Malav States conceniing the well-known stone implements, or hatu lintar^ which is 

[ 104 ] 

Fig. 6. 

Fig. 7. 

1908.] MAN. [No. 64. 

generally translated " thunderbolt stones." This belief is to the effect that the stones 
originate in the ground, and sooner or later burst into flames and disappear. My 
remarks were received with some doubt, and it was suggested that my authority, 
Mahomed Mansur, a Malay who works for me, had invented the story in order to 
account for batu lintar missing from my collection. Mansur, however, besides being 
a thoroughly honest fellow, had never had any opportunity of stealing hatu lintar from 
me, since I had none in my possession, and I determined at the time that when I 
returned to the Federated Malay States I would ask Mansur to write me an account 
•of hatu lintar according to Malay ideas. 

Mahomed Mansur is a Perak Malay, the son of a minister of the ex-Sultan, 
Abdullah. He is fairly well educated and has travelled with me, or for me, in all 
four of the Federated Malay States. I do not think he believes implicitly the things 
he has written here about hatu lintar^ but he does not recognise them as stone imple- 
ments, and he tells me that he has never heard a Malay suggest that they fall from 
the sky, as is supposed in the case of our " thunderbolts." My impression is that the 
Idea of " thunderbolts " has been connected with these stones by Europeans who have 
heard a little of the Malay notions concerning them, but have not followed the matter 
farther. It will be noticed that Wilkinson, under lintar in his dictionary, says that 
to the Malays their origin is " wrapped in mystery." 

The part that lightning plays in Mansur^s account is obvious and need not be 
•enlarged upon. I should like, however, to point out the manner in which the rending 
of a tree by lightning is brought in. Note particularly that according to a Malay^s 
ideas the stroke comes from below, "from the trunk to the branches." 

I have questioned Mansur as to the cause of lightning. He tells me it is 
-explained by Malays in many different ways. One cause is a Jin throwing a hatu 
lintar at his enemy. Another is a big animal, such as an elephant or a bison, shaking 
himself in the jungle. 

To anyone acquainted with these Malays, Mansur's story of the hatu lintar is not 
a surprise. They love to weave extraordinary stories round things they do not under- 
stand. I have been told stories in Pahang about natural objects that are even stranger 
than this of the Jin and his weapons. I suspect that the idea of " thunderbolts " 
^ould seem too plain and straightforward to the average Malay. 

I append a free translation of Mahomed Mansur's account of hatu lintar : — 

" There are certain things called hatu lintar. Men say that a Jin makes them out 
•of stiff clay and that they are always found in the ground. The Jin piles them one 
•above the other, close together, while they are still soft. If they are left they become 
quite hard. When they are hard enough, if the Jin wishes to kill an enemy (another 
•Jin), he takes out the stones, and the power of the Jin is such that they become red 
like fire and (are surrounded by fire so that) their shape is like a coconut. If any mortal 
comes within range of the emanations from these stones, though they may be thirty 
depas distant, he cannot help fainting away. If a tree is struck by one, it is as though 
that tree were struck by a bullet, but the mark runs zig-zag from the trunk to the 
branches. Men who are struck by the emanations from these stones become as though 
burnt and turn red ; but no one is ever struck by the stone itself (i.e., a tree may be 
struck, but a man never). Men say that the Jin who owns the stones does not pur- 
posely wound a man's body. When the Jin throws a stone at an enemy and the enemy 
in trying to escape runs close to a mortal, then the stone follows him and in passing 
causes him to faint away. When a man has fainted away one must not touch him. If 
he is touched he is sure to die. But if one searches near the man it will be found 
that the Jin has thrown down a tuft of grass tied in a knot. If this is dipped in water 
and the water sprinkled over the man who has fainted, he recovers. Again, men say 
that when one finds a hatu lintar that has not yet burst into fiames it will never burst 

[ 105 ] 

Nos. 54-66.] 



into flames if a little bit is chipped off the stone. But if this is not done when there 
is a high wind that batu lintar will explode with the noise of a cannon. Therefore,, 
whenever a man finds a hatu lintar^ he chips it slightly." J. B. SCRIVENOR. 


Africa: Rhodesia. 
FIremaklnfl: Apparatus of the Makorlkorl. By F, Eyles. 

The accompanying figure shows the apparatus for producing fire in use at the 
present time among the Makorikori in the neighbourhood of Mount Darwin, Mazoe, 
South Rhodesia. It consists of a small piece of greyish flint, a " steel " in the form 
of a long oval circlet, formed by bending a strip of native- worked iron round until 

the edges overlap, and 
the funnel-shaped neck 
of a small gourd con- 
taining charred vege- 
table fibre. In use the 
gourd is held in the 
palm of the left hand, 
and the flint between 
the thumb and first 
finger of the same hand ; 
the steel is then struck, 
sharply across the edge- 
of the flint with the 
right, until a spark falls into the gourd and sets the fibre smouldering. A little- 
bunch of another kind of fibre or bark is then brought in contact with the glowing 
fibre and blown into a flame. The fibre used to catch the spark is called ulenjcy and 
is prepared from the silky inner fibre of the leaf of some plant not identified. 


Africa, West. Desplagnes. 

Le Plateau Central Nigerien, By Lieutenant Louis Desplagnes. Paris : C0 
Emile Larose, 1907. Pp. 504. 25 x 16 cm. Price 12 francs. UU- 

This work is a very suggestive study of the races who inhabit the uplands to 
the south of the bend of the Niger, and between 14 and 17 degrees north latitude. 
Lieutenant Desplagnes spent two years in the western Sudan between 1903 and 1906,. 
sent, as Dr. Hamey informs us in an introduction, on a special mission to study this 
hitherto little known region. The l)ook is divided into four parts, of which the first- 
two treat respectively of the archaeology of the " Plateau Central " and the origin of 
Sudanese or Negroid Clans ; the third of the Habe, or primitive inhabitants of the 
Hombori and other rocky regions ; while the fourth is devoted to general conclusions.. 
The mission was fruitful in finds of neolithic instruments. Monuments of upright 
stones or dolmens were discovered near Bamako on the Upper Niger. These dolmens 
seem to be similar to those described by Mr. Partridge in his book, Cross River 
Natives^ on the one hand, and on the other to the monuments of the Iloggar country 
in the Sahara. 

The chapters on sepulchres are interesting. The subject is treated very fully 
and is well illustrated. 

The large tumuli, which are not unconmion throughout the western Sudan, are 
shown to be probably formed by some such methoil of interment as that described by 
El Bekri as having been practised at Ghanata in a.d. 1050. 

The principle of these tombs again is similar to that of the Numidian tombs. 

[ 106 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 66. 

discovered near Oran and Constantino, and the inference is that their makers were 
of north African or Berber origin. 

In the ethnographic portion of his book Lieutenant Desplagnes is on more 
debateable ground, though his main thesis seems sound enough. 

He supposes that originally the Sudan was inhabited by short brownish negrillos, 
and tall Nilotic negros. The former were gradually pushed south, while the latter 
(of whom the author thinks the Nasamonians of Herodotus were a branch) amalga- 
mated with red invaders from the north, of supposed Semito-Sumerian origin. 

These red invaders were of the clans Ma (fishes), Wa (birds), or Sa (serpents) 
who by various combinations with each other and the indigenous bhicks formed the 
existing Sudanese peoples. For instance, Wangara (a Mandingo tribe) would be 
formed by Wa (a bird clan) having amalgamated with Gara (a red clan). Fulani are 
Wa (birds) belonging to the Anna (Ghana) confederation. Mande or Mandingo is Ma 
(fishes) combined with Nde, an indigenous tribe. 

These various clans. Ma, Wa, Gara, etc., are traced back into remote antiquity 
and identified by the author with the Getuli, Garamantes, etc., and in the case of the Ma 
with a people called Masa mentioned during one of the early Egyptian dynasties. 

The theory may appear pushed somewhat far on rather slender evidence, and, 
certainly, it would have been strengthened, had it been shown that the same clan 
system could be traced right across the Sudan. Facial marks and tattoos are also 
important evidence. Unfortunately, Lieutenant Desplagnes does not give us any 
information on this head. 

The third portion of the book deals with the ethnography, customs, religion, etc. 
of the Habes, and includes some interesting folk-stories related to the author by his 
interpreter. According to Lieutenant Desplagnes an amalgamation of the Nilotic, or 
tall, slightly-prognathic negro, with the " red invader " produced the mountain Habe 
of to-day, while a union of the same people with the Fulani produced the Fulani- 
Kri-Habe. The mountain Habe are called Habe-Kado. But in reality Kado is 
simply the singular of Habe, while the word Habe is applied very generally botlreast 
and west of the Niger by the Fulani to any indigenous people whom they conquered. 

In the final chapters the resemblance between the architecture of North Africa 
and that of Djenne and Timbuctu are well shown by illustrations ; in fact, the book 
is admirably illustrated throughout. The " Theban triad " is compared to the triple 
divinity of the Habe. It is shown how, after the period when Ghana was supreme, 
invaders from the south and east (the Sau-Sau, or Serpent clans), about 1230 of our 
era, over-ran the western Sudan and wiped out its fonner civilisation. There was 
a Mongol element in the invasion according to native tradition. Curiously enough, 
in Kano also there is a tradition of a Mongol invasion by Tettere (Tartars), and, in 
fact, there is a village near Kano, called Tettarawa (the Tartar village). 

Lieutenant Desplagnes appears to hold that the so-called Sudanese and West 
African civilisations are wholly due to Phenico-Egyptian and Lybico-Berber influences 
carried by successive waves of migration further and further, south, a proposition which 
commends itself to anyone who has seen both the Sudan and North Africa. 

The interpretation of the religious ideas and beliefs of the Sudan is rather to be 
sought in half-understood Asiatic conceptions than in any system of so-called *' Negro " 

As Lieutenant Desplagnes himself says, there is much in his book that requires 
further proof. In grappling with a subject which has been hitherto practically un- 
touched, this is unavoidable. But the book deals in a very able way with a very wide 
field, and, at least, so it appears to the writer, its main conclusions are unassailable. 
It rather suflfers from the want of an index. H. R. P. 

[ 107 ] 

Wo. 57.] MAN. 11908. 

Australasia. Oregoiy . 

Australasia. — Vol. /., Australia and New Zealand (^Stanford's Compendium CT 
of Geography and Travel). By J. W. Gregory, D.Sc, F.R.S. Second edition, Uf 
rewritten. London, 1907. Pp. xxiv + 657. 20 x 13 cm. Price 15*. 

The publishers are fortunate in the writers of this volume of their well-known 
and useful series. The first edition was written by Dr. Russell Wallace, the second 
is by Professor Gregory, who has the advantage of having spent some years in Australia, 
during which he made good use of the opportunities afforded of becoming acquainted 
with the country and its people. He writes clearly and forcibly, and does not hesitate 
to express his personal opinions even on political questions, which are much exercising 
the minds of politicians, colonial and imperial. In an introductory chapter on 
*' Australia and the Australians " he explains and defends the White Australian policy 
and the Labour party and its ideals, and is evidently thoroughly optimistic regarding 
the future of the new Commonwealth. 

The second chapter gives an account of the discovery of Australia, and due 
prominence, with a' map in illustration, is given to the discoveries of Captain Cook. 
Then follows a history of the exploration of the continent. Wallace's account in the 
former edition is brought down to d^te, and a useful bibliography added, in which, 
however, the modesty of the author has not included his own interesting work, The 
Dead Heart of Australia, 

Although this account is necessarily much condensed and is little more than a 
record of journeys and expeditions undertaken by successive explorers, yet it shows the 
extraordinary courage, persistency and endurance of the many brave men who first 
revealed the nature of the interior of the continent, and enables one to appreciate the 
paneg}Tic of Elise Beclus, when he says, " ¥lt parmi les hardis conqu6rants de 
*' la Terre qui ont pu meuer li bonne fin Texpedition commencee, combien se 
" sont moil t re de veritables heros en exer^ant toute Tenergie, toute la patience 
" et la force d'ame dont Thomme est capable ! . . . L'histoire des explora- 
*' ti6ns australieniies est de celles qui donnent la plus haute idee de la grandeur de 
" riiomme." 

Chapters are devoted to the physical geography, fauna and flora, and the latter 
part of the volume treats in detail of the several states of the Commonwealth. 

It is, however, the eighth chapter, of nearly fifty pages, which will interest most 
the readers of Man, for in it the characteristics and culture of the aborigines of 
Australia and Tasmania are considered. It is a very good summary of the facts and 
theories regarding the natives and their origin. In its clearness and freedom from bias 
it is particularly a propos at the present moment, when the Australian aborigines are 
being so much discussed by anthropologists and so much difference of opinion expressed 
regarding their social organisation. All the more so as coming from one who is 
acquainted with the country and has some first-hand knowledge of the people them- 
selves. A remarkable tribute is incidentally paid to the late Professor Huxley. It 
will be remembered that as far back as 1870 Huxley gave a summary of the physical 
characteristics of the Australian aborigines. So thoroughly is this in agreement with 
what nearly forty years' additional investigatiou has revealed, that Professor Gregory 
adopts Huxley's actual words for his description of the natives to-day. 

The origin and affinities of the aborigines are discussed, and Huxley's view that 
their nearest allies are the hill tribes of Southern India and the ancient Egyptians 
favoured ; as also the view expressed by Wallace in the previous edition that they 
are dark Caucasians. The use of the boomerang, on which Huxley to some extent 
relied, and the use of which in Southern India has been stoutly denied, is clearly 
supported by facts stated by Thurston in a recent publication regarding the Maravans 
and Kalians. 

[ 108 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nob. 67-68. 

The amiable, peaceful, and kindly disposition of the Australian natives is insisted 
on, and facts adduced in support of this view so different from some of the early 
accounts regarding them. 

The Negrito- Caucasian theory of origin is rejected on the grounds of the absence 
of any close relationship between the Australians and Tasmanians, as shown by no 
pure Australian having the woolly hair of the Tasmanian, nor any aboriginal skull 
indicating admixtiu-o of Tasmanian blood. 

The interesting and puzzling questions of the origin and affinities of the extinct 
Tasmanians are discussed at some length. Ling Roth's excellent summary has been 
used for the facts, and Huxley again called in evidence for theory ; for the author 
evidently favours the latter's view, that the Tasmanians were Negritos who reached 
Tasmania from Melanesia by a string of islands, or by land off Eastern Australia, now 
submerged. Coming from a geologist of Professor Gregory's experience this theory 
is all the more worthy of attention. To quote his own words, " The general evidence 
" suggests that the Tasmanians travelled down the eastern side of Australia, which 
" once extended far out into the Tasman Sea. There is good geological evidence 
" that part of this land has foundered beneath the sea in times which are geologically 
" recent." 

New Zealand forms the subject of the last chapter, but therein the Maoris 
receive only a very short notice. The author adopts the now generally accepted 
theory of a Caucasian origin with possibly some Melanesian admixture, due to the 
Maoris having been preceded by earlier Melanesian immigrants whom they exter- 
minated or absorbed. 

There are eighty illustrations in the text. Some of these, from photographs, are 
unfortunately not so clearly reproduced as could be wished. The numerous coloured 
maps are executed with that excellence for which Messrs. Stanford are so well known. 
The usefulness of the work is much enhanced by the bibliographies appended to several 
of the chapters and by a full index. E. A. PARKYN. 

Dress. Webb. 

The Heritage of Dress, By Wilfred Mark Webb. London : Grant Richards CO 
1907. Pp. xxvi 4- 393. 23 x 15 cm. Price 15*. uO 

In The Heritage of Dress Mr. Wilfred Mark Webb has brought together a large 
number of facts and theories relating to the origin and development of modern garb — 
every-day, Sunday, and ceremonial. Coats and petticoats, sleeves and trousers, gloves 
and stockhigs, hats and shoes, cockades and baldrics, and, in short, all the envelopes 
and appendages that our forefathers have thrust upon us, whether devised in vanity 
or need, are called upon to reveal the secrets of their career. Coats-of-arms, tags 
and pins, personal ornaments, and hair-dressing have been gathered within the wide 
sweep of Mr. Webb's net, whilst special costumes, such as academic and legal robes, 
state and court attire, military and naval uniforms, stage dresses, wedding and 
mourning garments, and servants' dresses, receive some measure of attention. Even 
the retiring nightdress is made to emerge from its customary obscurity, and we 
learn that at least one young lady has been heard of ^^who does by night what she 
'* will not do by day, for she has given up her nightgown in favour of pyjamas." 

Add to the above topics, short essays on such subjects as the dress of animals, 
impressions to be gained from dress, effects of clothes on the individual, the rise 
and fall of fashions, and dress reform, and it will be realised that the book can 
scarcely fail to contain something of interest even for those whose affection for their 
own clothes is measured by the antiquity of them. Amongst the more interesting,, 
chapters are those on " Buttons as Chronicles," " Vestiges in the Hat," and " Cockades."^ 

[ 109 ] 

Nob. 58-60.] MAN. [1908. 

In connection with the account of the origin of the false cuff at the end of the 
sleeve, the author may be interested to learn that " permanently turned-up " trousers 
(of an exclusive design) may now be obtained in Cbeapside. 

Mr. Webb attacks his subject from the evolutionary standpoint, and, in fact, 
in his Conclusion he goes so far as to say that "the account we have given of 
" survivals in dress and their history shows that they in their development are 
" governed by the same laws as those which act on the bodies and organs of living 
" creatures." This would lead us vaguely to the conclusion that biology and tailoring 
are sister sciences. It is convenient to use the term evolution for the process of 
development of man's artefacts, but to overlook the fundamental dissimilarities between 
this and organic evolution is a confusion of thought that vitiates the analogy. It is 
no doubt this literal application of " Descent with modification " to the sartorial king- 
dom that has led the author to the conclusion that the wearing of fingerless gloves by 
a baby is " on all fours with " the occurrence of spots in immature animals whose 
parents no longer present this feature. Whatever was the form of the first gloves 
made by man, those now worn by babies are not suggestive of ontogenetic recapitulation, 
though they may be persistent types. 

The statement that "there is little doubt but that they [the Eskimo] are the 
" descendants of the cave-men " is more than sanguine, but it scarcely carries conviction. 
It would be very pleasant to be able to believe that the cave-men really did follow the 
retreating glaciers northwards and so leave an open field for Neolithic man, but there 
is very much doubt. 

A feature of the book is the large number of illustrations, which in most 
instances serve their purpose. H. S. H. 

India. Rose. 

Compendium of the Punjab Customary Law, By H. A. Rose, Lahore, 1907. CA 
Pp. 105. 19 X 13 cm. Price 3 rupees. Ull 

Law in India assumes a double form — the official Brahmanical codes, such as the 
Institutes of Manu, and secondly, a mass of caste or tribal usage, which is independent 
of, and often in conflict with, the priestly legislation. In the Punjab the stability of the 
tribal system has given greater permanence to this variety of usage than in other pro- 
vinces, and nowhere has it been collected with more skill and energy. Fifteen bulky 
volumes of reports by officers in charge of the periodical revision of the land revenue 
have already appeared. In his Compendium of the Punjab Customary Law^ Mr. H. A. 
Rose, Superintendent of the Ethnographical Survey, has compiled a precis of this large 
mass of material, classified under the heads of Marriage, Inheritance, and Alienation. 
The chapter on Marriage contains abundant information characteristic of a very 
primitive social system, on endogamy, exogamy, polyandry, and similar subjects. 
That on Inheritance discusses the curious distinction between " inheritance by the 
turban," that is to say, equal distribution of property between all the sons of the 
deceased, and " inheritance by the woman's hair-knot," or division between the groups 
of sous by each wife in a polygamous family. The pamphlet contains much curious 
information collected by experts from the people themselves, and is a distinctly 
valuable contribution to the subjects with which it deals. W. CROOKE. 

Canada. Fraser. 

Canada as it is. By John Foster Fraser. London : Cassell. Pp. viii -f- 303. A 

20 X 13 cm. Price 3*. 6rf. Uu 

The al)ove work is the outcome of an extensive trip made by its author through 

the length and breadth of the Dominion in 1904. It is a book that ought to be in 

every library of both old and young, at home and in the Dominion. 

[ 110 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nob. 60-01 

Both countries have much to learn, the one from the other ; we each think we 
<;an teach without being open to instruction. This was exemplified last summer on ray 
meeting a Canadian — paying his first visit to England — who remarked to me, "I came 
" over to learn, but find you can teach me nothing." Canada as it is will undoubtedly 
teach every reader much that he ought to know ; it is a book full of information and 
statistics, the latter dear to the heart of all Canadians. To the intending emigrant it 
ought to prove of the greatest value, and should keep him from making a bad start by 
going out at the wrong season of the year, for Canada's winter, to those who follow an 
outdoor occupation, is a factor to be reckoned with, as it means a cessation of all 
outdoor work for at least four months. 

One chapter is devoted to the red man. Great tracts of country are reserved for 
him, where he farms, receiving grants of money, flour, and meat from the Government. 
But as times goes on these reserves will no doubt become self-supporting. With all 
this fatherly care the natives are slowly increasing in numbers ; at the present time they 
number about 100,000, and it speaks well for the Canadian Government that they never 
have had a native war. In physique the red man, as long as he remains uninfused by 
*' fire water," is the superior of the white, of fine stature, and capable of immense 
endurance ; he will run sixty or seventy miles a day by the side of a dog train and keep 
this up day after day. 

The concluding chapter is devoted to sport. The Canadians are proud of the 
sport they can offer the European visitor. Bigger and more interesting game can be 
found in other parts of the world ; but nowhere can the man with a gun have so exhila- 
rating a time as in following the bear in the mountains of the west, stalking the moose 
in the undulating lands of the north, seeking the cariboo in the woodlands of Quebec, 
or shooting prairie chickens in the great flat lands which lie between Ontario and the 
Rocky Mountains. The book is well illustrated from photographs. J. E.-P. 

India. Gordon. 

Indian Folktales. By E. M. Gordon. London : Elliot Stock, 1908. fil 
Pp. xii + 99. 19 X 12 cm. Price 3*. 6rf. 01 

The title of this book is not altogether descriptive of its contents, as out of its 
ninety-nine pages only seventeen are devoted to folktales. The remainder of the book 
is ethnographical, and it contains a good deal of valuable information regarding the 
customs of certain tribes of the Bilaspur district in the Central Provinces of India, 
especially the Chamars. There are chapters on worship, agriculture, remedies, births 
and marriages, death and burial, snakelore and relics, and one chapter only, as noted 
above, is devoted to folktales and proverbs. 

It is to be regretted that this section is not more extensive, for the stories are 
interesting and furnish some good variants of well-known themes. For instance, 
*' Little Blackbird " is a story of the " cumulative " type, strongly resembling the 
English " Old Woman and her Pig." The tale of " Mahadeo and the Jackal " is a 
remarkable example of the stories most familiar to us in the adventures of Brer Rabbit 
as told by Uncle Remus. The part of Brer Fox is taken by the god Mahkdeo, who 
plays an undignified part. There are very close parallels in this to the story of the 
tar-baby and to that in which Brer Rabbit detected that Brer Fox was not really dead 
by a simple stratagem. In the Indian story the pretended corpse does not " raise its 
** behime leg and holler wahoo^^'^ but testifies to the genuineness of its death in a 
more primitive manner. 

In the ethnographical sections perhaps suflficient care has not been taken to discri- 
minate between local customs and those which are spread all over Northern India, but 
the book is the result of real personal observation. M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 

[ 111 1 

No. 62.] MAN. 11908. 


The Third International Congress for the History of Religions, which will O^ 
meet at Oxford from September 15 to 18, has issued a preliminary programme. Ufc 
The proceedings will begin on Tuesday morning, September 15, when the Honorary 
President, Professor Tyler, will introduce the President, Sir Alfred Lyall, who will 
deliver his opening address. The sections will then meet daily until Friday, the 18th. 
Promises of upwards of ninety papers have already been received. 

The following are the sections with the names of the presidents so far as they 
are at present arranged : — 

I. Religions of the Lower Culture (including Mexico and Peru) : President — 
Mr. E. S. Hartland. 
II. Religions of the Chinese and Japanese : President — Professor Herbert A» 

III. Religion of the Egyptians. 

IV. Religion of the Semites : President — Professor Morris M. Jastrow. 

V. Religion of India and Iran : President — Professor T. W. Rhys Davids. 
VI. Religion of the Greeks and Romans : President — M. Salomon Reiuach. 
VII. Religion of the Germans, Celts, and Slavs : President — Professor Sir John 

VIII. The Christian Religion : President, — Rev. Professor Sanday. 

IX. The Method and Scope of the History of Religions. 
Tickets for members (gentlemen or ladies) entitling to admission to all meetings^ 
receptions, &c., and to a copy of the transactions, £1 each. Special ladies' tickets^ 
10s. each — these do not entitle the holder to a copy of the transactions. Applications 
for tickets, which should be accompanied by a remittance and the notification of & 
permanent address, should be made only to Messrs. Barclay and Co., Old Bank« 

All other communications concerning the Congress should be addressed to either 
of the honorary secretaries : — Dr. J. Estlin Carpenter, 109, Banbury Road, Oxford ; 
and Dr. L. R. Farnell, 191, Woodstock Road, Oxford. 

The fourth Congr^s Pr^historique de France will be held at Chambery (Savoie) from 
Monday, the 24th, to Sunday, the 30th of August. A feature of the Congress will be 
a discussion on Lake Dwellings, and the President of the Congress, Dr. Chervin, will 
be glad if persons having in their possession documents, views, and objects dealing 
with this subject will lend them to him so that they may be exhibited at the meeting. 
Excursions will be made to the Savoy Lakes and also to Aix-les-Bains and the cave& 
of La Balme and Pierre-Chatel. 

All communications should be addressed to the general secretary, Dr. Marcel 
Baudouin, 21, rue Liiine, Paris. 

The fiftieth anniversary of the Oxford University Museum will be celebrated on 
Thursday, October 8th. 

The Meeting of the British Association will be held at Dublin from September 
2nd to 9th. The President of Section H. (Anthropology) is Professor W. Ridgeway. 

Dr. and Mrs. Seligmann have returned from their expedition to the Veddas^ 
which has been very successful. 

Printed by Eybb and Spottiswoodb, Ltd., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 

No. 63.] 



from Bondia Galge (as the first described caves are called), there J8 nn inscription 
of wbich Mr, H. C. P. Bell, archaeological commissioEer, says, ** The Brahmi " 
[characters J ** are of the oldest type, therefore b.c," This in«cnption has been read bj 
the same authority, to whom my best thanks are due, as '* (cave of) the chief . , . 
son of the chief Vela/' There is tbns reason to suppose that the Rendia Galge caves 
were used by Sinhalese some 2,000 years ago, and this renders the result of a partial 
excavatioD, which was all for which there was time, of special iuterest. 

The nature of its bottom made the lower cave the easier to examine, accordingly 
n longitudinal trench about a foot wide was duf^ in the long axis of the lower cave* 
The first six inches yielded fragments of pottery and a nnmber of bones, a much 
rusted catty, and an areca nut cutter both of the pattern in common use. A good 
many fragments of charcoal were found in the upper 12-18 inches, and several pieces 
of iron slag — perhapt* six in all — as well as a number of land shells lying in groups, were 
found at a depth of from one to two feet Bones and fragments of pottery continued 
to occur until a depth of about two feet was reached. Massive rock, which was taken 
to be the bed rock of the cave, was reached at about 2^ feet, and within a few inches of 
this were found nmny fragments of cjuarlz— some milky, some ic?e-cicar, some faintly 
opalescent, some smokey, and some amethystine. A few of these were as big as hen's 
eggs, the majority varied from the atae of an apricot to a haricot bean, some were 
even smnllor. From the large number of pieces of quartz — nearly 300 — collected at 
the dejith mentioned from this rronnh, and a smnll tr«:?iich driven at rigfit angles to it, 

as well as from 
the absence of 
f I i e c e 8 of 

i!oimtry rock, 
there can be 
no doubt that 
tbcfle pieces of 
Huariz were 
brought to the 
site in which 
they were found 
by nuni* They 
were not water- 
worn, and the 
vaiiely of colour 

and opacity they presented make it certain thai they had not weiitht*red out in nitti, in 
spite of the fact that quartz (but not as far as 1 could determine, ico-cleiir tpmrtz) 
occurs in segregation masses in the gneiss^ic rock of the neigbbonrhood. Further, wheB 
all the fraginenls were carefully washed and examined it was found that some 3 percent, 
of the pieces of c|uu(t/. obtuined from this cave showed signs of working. They are, 
in fact, implcoients similar to ihose shown mo by Messrs. t.ireen aud IVile. Additioual 
prcKif that the fragments of quartz had beeu brought by man to (ho site on which 
they were found were afforded by some irregular digging done in the upper cave — 
shown in Fig. 2— formed liy tlie siime rock mass as the lower cave, and separated 
from it only by a few feet* TJie floor of iliis cave was so rocky that a regular trench 
could Jjot bo dug, but a number of holes, the largest perluips G fecL by 4 feel, were 
dug down to what was appnrently the country rock at the bottom of (he cave. 
Fragments of pottery and the htmes of animals were fiuuitl in plenty in these boles, but 
altogether they yiehlcd only four pieces of tpiartz, namely, two wHterworn pebbles and 
two broken pieces of clear glassy cjuartsc* As in the lower cave, so in this cave, a few 
small pieces of slag were found some 18 inches to 2 feet below the level of the surface. 

[ H4 ] 



[No. $3. 

Fio. 3. O) 

Nothing that could he regarded as a core or hammer-stone was recognised among 
the quartz excavated, and no pieces of chert or jasper occurred in this cave, nor have 
Messrs. Green and Pole found chert or jasper ipaplements on the sites from which 
their collections were made. Cores, as far as mj experience goes, are, in fact, not 
very commonly found. Mr. Green's collection 
contains one excellent specimen, there are a few 
in Mr. Pole's collection of upwards of 1,000 
specimens, and I picked up one near Bandara- 
wella. Jasper implements were found in abund- 
ance hy the Sarasins, and they collected '^ as many 
as forty " stone hammers, i.e., presumably hammer- 
stones.* Worked chert does, however, occur in 
Ceylon. Figs. 1 and la represent a specimen 
found by Mr. James Parsons, head of the Mineral 
Survey, concerning which he says, " It was found 
^^ at Ranchigoda, Makara District, in the Southern Province, in river-gravel under 
^^ about three feet of soil. There was no more chert in the gravel, which was of 
^^ white quartz. Silicified rock was found in the neighbourhood but no chert of this 
** type." Again, while at Nilgala a large piece of stone — apparently chert — was 
brought to me as having been found in a river bed. This stone is reproduced in 
Fig. 3 ; it has somewhat the appearance of a broken palaeoiith, and is about 
10 centimetres broad. A number of flakes have been struck from one surface, but 

its edge has not been worked. It is well patinated, and, 
in spite of its resemblance to the stone implement, it may 
be nothing more than a stone portion of a ^' flint and 
steel," such as are in use at the present day among the 
more backward of the peasant Sinhalese. 

As regards the type of the quartz implements, there 
.seems no good reason to consider these other than neolithic, 
though in Ceylon, in a recent newspaper discussion, they 
Fig. 4. (V) have been spoken of as palaeolithic and even eolithic. 

Fourteen of the quartz implements are figured on 
Plate H. Of these Nos. 1-5, 7, 10, and 14 are worked on one side only ; the unworked 
aide of Nos. 1-4 is shown in order to illustrate the well-marked bulb of percussion 
which distinguishes many of the specimens. The general characteristics of the 
instruments may be gathered from the illustration, so that a description in detail is 
hardly necessary. Attention may, however, be called to the three last specimens 
figured ; of these No. 12 shows a large portion of the original crust, and appears to 
have been much rolled ; No. 13 belongs to a type of which hundreds of examples 
occur among European stone implements, and No. 14, again, 
has many parallels among the implements from this continent : 
this specimen is rather thicker than the rest, and measures 
15 mm. from one face to the other. 

The localities where the various specimens were collected 
are as follows : — Nos. 2 and 3 were collected by me at 
Bandarawella, No. 6 by Mr. Green at Peradeniya, No. 7 by me 
near Bibile, and the remainder by Mr. Pole in the neighlwurhood 
.of Maskeliya. The cores figured in the text were found 
respectively at Peradeniya and near Maskeliya — the first, Fig. 4, by Mr. Green ; the 
second. Fig. 5, by Mr. Pole. 

• Sjtolia Zeyloiiica, Colombo, 1907. Vol. IV., p. 197. 
[ 115 ] 

Fig. 6. (I) 

Hm. 68-64.] MAN. [1908. 

From these facts it appears that at one time there must have been in Ceylon 
a considerable population who worked quartz, and that this people was widely dis- 
tributed, extending at least from the Southern into the Central and Elastern Provinces 
4ind occupying heights varying from the low forest country of the Eastern Province to 
:at least 4,000 feet. The material they used is refractory and does not occur in large 
masses. The latter factor probably accounts for the small size of the implements they 
produced, and also probably for the rough nature of most of them ; but when the 
best samples of their work is examined it appears that their industry was neolithic. 
Whether or no the quartz workers actually were Veddas, as suggested by the 
Sarasins, and, as seems reasonable enough, they occupied the caves used recently and 
at the present day by the Veddas of Uva, and, since these caves present undoubted 
evidence of beiug used by the Sinhalese of about 2,000 years ago, it may be pre- 
sumed that the Sinhalese turned the cave-dwellers out of their rock shelters, or, 
perhaps, peaceably occupied these, and that when the Sinhalese neglected the part 
of Uva in which the caves are found the cave-dwellers drifted back to them. 

But the cave-dwellers of the present day are Veddas, and there is evidence that 
three or four centuries ago there was a strong Vedda population in the country 
extending from the neighbourhood of the caves in Uva to Matale in the Central 
Province. Taken with the inscription in Bendia Galge cave, in which the common 
Vedda name Nila is mentioned, this suggests that the quartz workers were, in fact, 
Veddas. If this be so it appears to indicate a much older and more intimate 
association between cave-dwelling Veddas and the Sinhalese khan is usually realised, 
and there are other facts which seem to me to point to this conclusion. 

My best thanks are due to Messrs. Green and Pole for permitting me to make 
free use of their collections. C. G. SELIGMANN. 

Japan. Aston. 

A Japanese Book of Divination. By W. G. Aston, C.M.G. 01 

At all times and in all countries the soothsayer has a very good opinion of UT 
himself and bis office. ^^ I am Sir Oracle,** he announces to a more or less credulous 
public, " and when I ope my lips let no dog bark." The author of the work before me is 
no exception to this rule. He expects the reader '' to cleanse himself, rinse his mouth, 
" wash bis hands, and raise the book three times reverently to his forehead before he 
'^ opens it." He must not put it down on the bare mats but on a pure stand with 
a sheet of paper under it. I am afraid my copy has not been always treated with 
such reverent care. It is soiled, worn, and dog's-eared. A more serious matter is 
that of the two volumes of which it consists one is missing. Nevertheless a sufficiently 
clear idea of its general scope and character is to be obtained from what is left. 

Divination is of two kinds — the religious, as the Delphian oracle, and the non- 
religious, exemplified by our chiromancy. In the present work we find a combination 
of both principles. It has a non-religious basis, which is fortified by the addition of 
various religious elements. The non-religious principle is that universally recognised 
in the casting of lots, viz., a belief in the virtue of mere chance. The necessary 
mechanism consists of a set of 100 divining sticks resembling chopsticks. They are 
about 6 or 7 inches in length, and each bears a number with an inscription in the 
Chinese character signifying " Great Good Luck," " Small Good Luck," " Bad Luck," 
*' Ultimate Small Good Luck," or *' Half Good Luck." The lucky numbers greatly 
preponderate. These sticks are placed in an oblong box measuring 12 by 4 by 4 inches. 
It is closed on all sides except for a small hole at the end, which allows only one 
stick to come out at a time. I have seen a box of this kind which was provided 
for the use of visitors to a Buddhist temple at Ishiyama, near Otsu. It contained 
twelve sticks only. On drawing one the consulter of the oracle received a slip of paper 

[ "6 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 64. 

bearing a number corresponding to that of the stick, and inscribed with a verse of 
Japanese poetry, indicating vaguely enough his future fortunes. There were no 
religious concomitants beyond the circumstance that the drawing took place in a temple. 
The present case is widely different. Here we meet with religion at every step. The 
title of the book, Kwannon Hiakusen (Ewannon^s hundred divining sticks), shows that 
it is under the patronage of the Chinese Buddhist deity of that name. The preface 
relates a legend of its introduction from China in the tenth century by a Buddhist 
dignitary. The practitioner of the art is directed to read a certain Sutra and to repeat 
*' the true words of the eleven-faced, thousand-banded true Kwannon 333 times, 
^^ making 33 obeisances.** He should have previously cleansed himself and brought his 
mind and body into unison, putting away from him all doubt. Then follows a long 
prayer (there is no trace of any compulsion of gods or spirits) to Kwannon to grant 
a true divination, and a set of Dharanis (invocations in the Sanskrit language). After 
these preliminaries he should raise the box reverently three times to his forehead and 
shake a stick from it. 

Two pages of the book are allotted to each stick. A stanza of four lines of 
Chinese poetry occupies a conspicuous position, and is referred to as the truly 
authoritative part of the work. This feature has every appearance of a Chinese origin 
and is probably very much older than the Japanese expansion, which latter, in the 
absence of more precise information, may be assigned to the latter part of the 
18th century. The Chinese verses are rather cryptic and contain no appreciable 
religious element. The first stanza, corresponding to a stick marked ^' Great Good 
Luck," runs as follows : — 

The pagoda, built of the seven precious things, 
Rests on the summit of the high peak ; 
All men look up to it with awe. 
Let there be no neglectful glances. 

Here is a foreboding of ill luck : — 

The household path has not reached prosperity, 
But is exposed to danger and disaster, 
Dark clouds obscure the moon-cassia-tree, 
Let the fair one bum a stick of incense. 

The real business of prophesying begins when the Japanese author proceeds to 
give definition and substance to the misty generalities of his Chinese text. According 
to him the first of the above-quoted verses implies that the person who draws the 
corresponding stick will, if a Samurai or retainer, receive great promotion and be made 
a general or a captain. He will be envied by his comrades and find favour in the eyes 
of his lord. But imprudence may lead to disaster. The Buddhist priest will become 
an incumbent of a temple, or will be granted official rank. He will find liberal patrons 
or obtain a good chief image. A woman will marry above her station, or if she is 
already married her husband will have a sudden rise in the world. She will have clever 
male children. Employes will do their duty towards their masters, and will become 
foremen or will get gain. Pupils will share the prosperity of their teachers. But if 
they are not careful evil results will follow. Let there be no negligence. Merchants 
will find a sale for their goods in desirable quarters, and will be greatly favoured, 
gaining much money by their influence. But if they go too far the unexpected will 
overtake them. If a nobleman's yashiki is their regular customer they will receive 
great good fortune from it. Similar good fortune is predicted for players and peasants. 
The sick man will recover, but his illness will be a long one. Prayer and a good doctor 
are recommended. The person who is expected will arrive, though somewhat late. 
The lawsuit will be decided favourably. The lost article will be found after a time. 

[ 117 ] 

m. M.] MAN.: yasQ^, 

In quarrels and disputes there will be victory. The time is good for building a house, 
for a removal, for shaving a boy's head (on reaching puberty), for a marriage, and for 
starting on a journey. Buy freely, there will be great profit soon. 

The drawer of the unlucky No. 5 will, if a Samurai, be unfortunate if he does 
not exercise the greatest self-restraint. The Ronin will find no opening for employment. 
The retainer will be discharged, or at least be reproved by his chief. But if he is 
patient all will come right in the end. The Buddhist priest will remain in studious 
penury. He may be a man with a future before him, but he will meet with misfortune. 
But if he perseveres, avoiding greed and revering the Kami and Buddhas, all will be 
well in the end. A woman will make a bad marriage and find everything unsatisfactory. 
She will be unable to rear her children and will soon become a widow. 

These are the commonplaces of the soothsaying fraternity everywhere. A greater 
interest attaches to the counsels given to the consulter of the oracle as to his religious 
conduct. They afibrd an insight into the state of religion in Japan at this period, 
especially among the lower classes of the population. The author himself was not 
much of -a scholar. He was probably a Buddhist priest, but the deities whose worship 
he recommends form a very heterogeneous assemblage. They comprise the Buddhas, 
the gods of old Indian myth, certain gods of Chinese origin affiliated to Buddhism, 
the " Heaven " of Confucius, and the deities of Shinto. The tolerance or laxity which 
pemiits and even enjoins the practice of such conflicting forms of faith is not peculiar 
to our author. It is characteristic of the nation to which he belongs. The fundamental 
Hnity of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Shinto is a favourite theme of Japanese writers 
on religion. 

It may be observed that whether Buddhism, as taught by its founder, is or is not 
an atheistic religion — if there be such a thing — the modern Buddhism of Japan has 
plenty of deities. Besides such extraneous gods as Kwannon, the Buddhas themselves are 
regarded as Kami. This very treatise associates these two classes of deities frequently 
under the term Sliimbutsu (Kami and Buddhas) as objects of a joint adoration. 

Each section of the book has a clause in which the drawer of the number to 
which it belongs is recommended a selection of one or more gods in which he should 
put special faith. Among these two are much the most prominent, viz., Kwannon 
and Tento. Kwannon, according to EiteFs Chinese Buddhism^ is " a Chinese female 
" deity, probably an ancient local goddess of mercy, worshipped in Cbina before 
'' the advent of Buddhism under the name Kwanyin, and adopted by Buddhists as 
" an incarnation of Aval6kites' vara (or Padmapapi)." She is very popular in Japan. 
Tento or tendo is a word of Chinese derivation, and means Heaven-path. Originally 
it was no doubt substantially equivalent to Ten, Heaven, which in China fluctuates 
a good deal between " the material sky," " Nature," " the eternal principle of right,"* 
and " God." Perhaps " Law of Nature and Right " represents the idea which the 
more highly educated Japanese attach to Tento. But this is much too abstract for 
the unenlightened vulgar to whom this book is addressed. To them Tento is the sun 
— not merely the actual sun in the sky, but the material sun, considered as a living 
i»em»?, j)osses8ing moniJ attributes, hearing prayer, punishing vice, and rewarding 
virtue. That there is a definite personification of Tento as the sun is' shown by the 
fact that it has usually the respectful particle o prefixed to it, and the word satna 
(Sir) appended. Especially in the mouths of women and children the sun is at this day 
0-Tento-Sama, the more philosophical meaning of the word being wholly unknown to 
them. Though Tento is to some extent antbropopathic, it is not anthropomorphic, 
it has no sex, no myth, no temples or idols, and no priests for its service. It is 
nevertheless a popular divinity, marking a reversion to a more primitive and concrete 
conception of deity. One of the illustrations in the Book of Divination shows a 

* Compare the Qreok nomony which was also deifieJ. 
[ 118 ] 



OXo. B^ 

Japanese in ceremonial costume kneeling in the open air in front of his house with 
a small table before him on which is burning a stick of incense in honour of Tento. 
The sun is seen breaking from behind a mass of cloud (Fig. 1). 

The drawers of other numbers are counselled to put their trust in the sun (hi) 
and moon (tsuki) sans phrase ^ and to follow the custom of sitting up at night ready 
to greet the rising of the luminary with devout prayer and obeisance. 

Shimmei (divine splendour) is frequently mentioned. This term sometimes includes 
the whole pantheon of Shinto deities. It is, however, more especially used of the two 
great gods of Ise, viz., the sun-goddess and the food-goddess, and may even be restricted 
to the sun-goddess only. Probably it is in this last sense that we are to understand 
it here. To the modern Japanese, Tenshodaijin (the sun-goddess) no longer suggests 
the sun. They do not identify her with Tento. To them she is the mighty deity 
of Ise, the ancestor of the Imperial dynasty and the Great Providence that guards 

Ji-matsuri (earth- worship) is recommended in connection with the building of a 
house. This is a primitive form of worship. The earth is the ground itself. It is 
not in the least anthropomorphic, and but faintly anthropopathic. It has no sex, and 
being a concrete object itself, has no need of an idol or other material token of the 
presence of divinity. 

Hachiman is a very popu- 
lar god in Japan. He is now 
recognised as a god of war, but 
his real origin and functions 
are unknown. He partakes of 
the character of a Shinto and 
a Buddhist deity. 

Benten, or Benzaiten, one 
of the Japanese " seven gods 
of good-fortune," is a female 
deity of Indian origin. 

Bishamon (Vaisramana), 
another of the same group of 
deities, is one of the Tchatur 
Maharaja or "Four Heavenly 
Kings " of Indian myth. 

It is doubtful whether Daikoku, also a god of good fortune, is of Indian or 
Shinto origin. 

Fudo and Marishiten are Indian deities who have found their way to Japan in 
company with Buddhism. 

Atago, the Shinto god of fire, is recommended for worship in some cases. 

The Ujigami is the patron Shinto deity of a man^s birthplace. 

Koshin is a deification of that day of the month which corresponds to the 
fifty-seventh term of the Chinese sexagenary cycle. 

In addition to the worship of the particular deities above enumerated, our author 
enjoins on his clients the adoration of the Kami and Buddhas generally. He also 
advises them to read the Daihanya, a collection of sixteen Sutras expounding the 
philosophy of the Mahayana school. 

Ancestor-worship is nowhere mentioned. 

The term shinriki (divine power) occurs frequently in this treatise. The standard 
native dictionary, the Kotoba no Idzumi, says that this word is a contraction for 
shintsuriki (divine penetrative or pervasive power), which is defined as " the power 
" of unconditioned action like that of Xhe gods, such as to pass over the clouds 

[ 110 ] 

Fig. 1. 

No. 64.] MAN. [1908. 

•* (levitation), to raise the wind, to ride on a crane or dragon/* To this may be added 
the power of making oneself invisible. There is a story of a possessor of this faculty, 
who, on one of his aerial flights, allowed his gaze to rest too ardently on a pretty 
girl, who, with her skirts tucked up, was trampling clothes in a wash-tub by a river 
side. He lost his tsurihi^ and tumbled down to earth in consequence. Our authcr^s 
shinriki is different from this. In cases of illness he frequently advises the patient or 
his friends *' to take shinriki " or to raise up shinriki^ and pray to Tento or to the 
Kami and Buddhas. Here shinriki is evidently that power which is invoked in faith- 
healing, still practised in Japan by some Shinto sects. Shinriki will do more than this. 
After enumerating the difficulties portended to a merchant who has drawn the doubtful 
number forty-one, our author adds, " But if the Buddhas and Kami are prayed to with 
" shinriki^ there will be some alleviation." Under another number a Buddhist priest is 
advised to practise secret good works with shinriki. Again, we are told that " shinriki 
" will be useless without a protector." May we not translate shinriki simply by 
^* faith " ? As used by our author, it is plainly something more than the miraculous 
powers which the Japanese, in imitation of the Chinese Taoists, attribute to their 
magicians. We are here on the margin of that borderland, the X-country for which 
we are still in expectation of a guide to tell us 

**Quid possit oriri 
Quid nequeat, finita potestas denique cuique 
Quanam sit ratione, atque alte terminus baerens." 

More than once the consulter of the oracle is advised, in case of sickness, '*to 
'^ have recourse to a great doctor and a kitoja " (professional prayer-man) ; as we might 
say, a consulting physician and a Christian Scientist. At Osaka, many years ago, my 
attention was drawn to a droning sound which proceeded from the servants* quarters 
of our consulate in that city. On enquiry, I learned that a kitoja was reciting prayers 
for the recovery of a sick man. The result was a failure. Perhaps the officiating 
person had not sufficiently realised that a stricture was unlikely to yield to this mode of 
treatment. Our own kitoja sometimes make similar mistakes. 

There is an abundance of excellent, if rather obvious, advice in this treatise, and 
a high moral tone reigns throughout. Thus an artisan who has drawn the unlucky 
No. 7 is advised, if he would avert the calamities predicted for him, to keep an honest 
heart, to be patient and prudent in all things, and to put his faith in the Kami 
and Buddhas. We frequently meet with the proviso that if a wicked man draws a good 
number it will be of no use to him. Things will in his case turn out quite different from 
the predictions. The sick man who draws a lucky number will recover ; if he is a bad 
man he will die. If the merchant has two concubines in addition to his proper wife, he 
will have a succession of misfortunes. The priest who forgets his vows will lose his 
living and become a wanderer. The Samurai who is infatuated for women will be 
disgraced, but he who practises bushido (the rule of conduct becoming an officer and 
gentleman) zealously will receive promotion. In cases of life and death, the coward 
will die, while he who grudges not his life will save it. Prudence, patience, and circum- 
spect conduct are frequently inculcated. Cowardice, greed, injustice, and indolence will 
nullify the advantages portended by a good number. In quarrels you will win if you 
have right on your side, otherwise you will be beaten. 

Is it uncharitable to suggest that, in addition to the satisfaction which he derives 
from his ex-cathedra position as a teacher of high morality, the soothsayer is not borry to 
provide himself with a loophole of escape when the event is in too flagrant contradiction 
with his prophecies ? In case of complaint he can always throw the blame on the 
unsatisfactory moral condition of the complainant. W. G. ASTON. 

[ 120 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 65. 

Africa, South. Haddon. 

Ooppar Rod Ourreney fh^m the TransvaAl. By A. C Haddon^ 0C 
Sep., F.B.S. UU 

A remarkable form of copper currency appears to be restricted to the north-east 
of the Transvaal, of which, so far as I am aware, only two specimens have reached 
this country. One specimen was obtained through the courtesy of the Director of the 
Transvaal Museum, Pretoria ; this I gave to Professor W. Ridgeway : it came from 
Pallaboroa, Haenertsburg District, Zoutpansberg, Northern Transvaal. For the other 
I am indebted to Mr. H. D. Hemsworth of the Transvaal Civil Service, who with 
great difficulty obtained a specimen also from Pallaboroa. This speci- 
men is now in the Horniman Museum. 

iii i i imn ifci fii mimmtiifrBftfiii nf i irw 
Fig. 1. 

Each specimen consists of a straight rod of copper about 49 cm. in length, with 
an average diameter of 13 mm. One end is attached to the rounded apex of a flattened, 
oval, conical projection, the plane of which is set a little more than a right-angle to 
that of the rod. In the first specimen (Fig. I) four root-like bars, 34 mm. in length, 
project from near the upper or basal end of the cone. At one end there is one bar, 
at the other there are two close together, and the fourth arises from the surface 
facing the rod. In the second specimen (Fig. 2) two similar bars, 32 mm. long, 
spring from close to the end of the long axis of the base of the cone ; about 17 mm. 
below those are two other rods, one 28 mm. long, and the other 7 mm. Both castings 
are rough, especially at the base of the cone. 

I saw several other specimens in the museum in Pretoria which exhibited great, 
diversity in the number and arrangement of the root-like bars. 

It is evident that the flattened cone is simply the cast of the funnel into which 
the molten copper was run when making the rod. The rod is the essential portion, 
but it appears that for currency purposes the natives like to utilise the whole casting. 
I confess I do not understand the use or significance of the root-like prolongations 
from the cone. 

Mr. Hemsworth drew my attention to certain peculiar markings on the rod he 
obtained for me. Beginning about 75 mm. from the cone end are some ten imperfect 
raised bands, and running down each side of the rod is an indistinct groove ; the latter 
can also be discovered in the other specimen. Mr. Hemsworth suggested 
that the bore for the casting of the rod was made by covering a reed 

aglTjil urt'ii t raBgBMfiBMBBBMBaiiiikii.ift-ah;tn^^ 
Fig. 2. 

over with earth, and that, in his specimen, the reed having been split, the copper- 
smith had bound it round with bands to keep it in proper shape. This explanation 
appears to be perfectly satisfactory. 

In the Zoutpans district the name of the currency is marali (sing, lirali), and it 
was employed chiefly for the purchase of brides by the chiefs. Mr. Hemsworth esti- 
mates that the value was at one time about ten cows. The value of the first specimen 
was estimated at two cows and three goats ; doubtless the exchange value is dependent 
upon the current price of cattle. Probably we may regard this currency as the 
exchange value of a wife, but the number of cattle to which it would be equated 
might vary according to the temporary value of the cniile. 

[ 121 ] 

SoiSi. 65-66.] MAN. [I9d8. 

Mr. G. W. Stow, in his admirable book The Native Races of. South Africa 
(1905), figures (p. 518) three copper castings of . the Magaliesberg Bakuena, found 
near some old copper workings in the Transvaal. He says thej appear to have been 
a madula or phallic charm. From his illustrations they seem to be simply the casts 
of the funnels used for making copper rods, the broad flange, which he takes to be 
a separate casting, being merely the overflow of the molten metal on the surface of 
the ground around the edge of the funnel. If this view be correct fourteen to 
twenty-five rods could be cast at the same time. Perhaps the root-like appendages 
described above may be simply the vestiges of similar castings ; a long thick rod was 
all that the smith needed, but as other castings had numerous rods it is possible thnt 
he thought his funnel should have them too. There is no evidence that these abortive 
rods were ever any longer than they are at present, as they present the character 
of an untouched casting. A. C. HADDON. 

Africa, South. Hemswortli. 

Note on Marall Currency. By H, D, Hemsworth, AA 

I have seen a specimen entirely without the root-like bars, so I imagine 00 
that the bars were not a feature of much importance. 

I have not heard of any marali being used during the present generation in 
connection with marriage. Old natives have told me that one lirali and 20 hoes 
would possibly have been given for a wife in the same way that cattle, goats, and 
money are now given. As marali are (possibly on account of their rarity) apparently 
no longer used as a means of exchange, it is difficult to estimate their value. As a 
rule the owners, when they are to be found, will not part with them at any price, 
unless in immediate need of money, as when their taxes become due. On such 
occasions they will accept whatever is offered, provided the amount is sufficient for 
the needs of the moment. 

If one lirali and 20 hoes was the value of a girl, a lirali would have been at 
that time (some fifty years ago) equivalent to ten cows, or say 20/. At the present 
time a lirali is of very little, if any, value to any native but the owner, who, as I have 
said, will not part with it except when pressed for money. 

The marali seem to be regarded more in the light of heirlooms — of value only 
to the families who possess them. There may also be some magic or "medicine" 
associations which might account for the reluctance of the owners to sell them or 
explain anything about them. 

Pallal)oroa, the only district in which, as far as I know, they are to be found, 
is about midway between the village of Leydsdorp and the nearest point of the border 
of Portuguese East Africa and the Transvaal. This country abounds with big game 
and, before the cattle disease known as rinderpest appeared in the Transvaal, was' 
infested with tsetse fly so that cattle could not live there ; the absence of cattle might 
explain the necessity for some other form of exchange in marriages ; this necessity 
would have disappeared when, after the appearance of rinderpest, it was found that the 
fly had disappeared and cattle and other stock could live. 

The disuse of marali might also have been caused by the output coming to an 
end through a dearth of men skilled in their manufacture. This may have been the 
case, as it is a known fact that the tribes, amongst whom these rods are found, have 
dwindled very considerably in numbers owing to intertribal wars, raids by the Swazi, 
fever, and famines, particularly the famine of 1896, which was caused by the damage 
done by immense swanns of locusts followed by a drought. 

I do not think there is any doubt that the copper ore was obtained from the old 
workings to be found at Pallaboroa. H. D. HEMSWORTH. 

[ 122 ] 

1«08.] MAN. [No. 67. 

Celebes. Sarasin. 

Versuch einer Anthropologic der Insel Celebes, Zweiter Teil : Die Varietdten jJT 
des Menschen auf Celebes, Von Dr. Fritz Sarasin. Materialen zur Natur- Hf 
geschichte der Insel Celebes : v Band., ii TeiL Wiesbaden, 1906. 22 plates and 
20 figures in the text. Pp. viii + 162. 32 x 35 cm. 

The most interesting results of the important investigation of Dr. F. Sarasin on 
the anthropology of Celebes are those which deal with the Toala of the district of 
Lamontjong, South Celebes ; other Toiila live in the district of Malawa, north of 
Tjamba, and probably in the mountain district of Lamuru. Belonging to the Toala 
stock are the Tomuna and Tokea, but they are more mixed than the former. These 
people of the woods, as they are termed by the settled natives, are frequently enslaved 
by the Bugi. The average stature of 11 Toala men is 157*5 cm., and for 8 
women 147*7; the range for the men being 151*2-165*8 cm., and for the women 
138 '5-156 cm. Their skin colour is darkish brown and occasionally red-brown, the 
women being usually a little lighter than the men. The eye colour is a beautiful 
brown. The hair is always black in colour, and when uncut falls to the shoulders 
in the men ; as a rule that of the women is longer and is usually tied in a knot. 
The hair is cymotrichous : one had flat wavy hair, in 19 it was very wavy, and in 7 
it was markedly curly. The latter character seems to be more characteristic of the 
Toala of central Celebes, but it is not more curly than that of many Australians, and 
does not approach real ulotrichous hair. When it is allowed to grow there is a fairly 
long growth of hair on the face. Twenty-six men of the To^la stock had an average 
head length of 179 • 7 and a breadth of 146 * 8, the head index being 81*7; the average 
index of 15 women being 82*3. The average index of 10 Todla men is 80*4, the 
range being 75*3 to 85*5, that of 6 women being 83*8(76-89*3). Despite the 
preponderance of brachycephaly. Dr. Sarasin believes that a moderate mesocephalic 
bead form is characteristic of ihe Todla stock. Out of 27 of the Todla stock 19 had 
the superciliary arches and glabella but feebly developed, though it was very strongly 
marked in 8. 

The numbers are fairly evenly divided between chamaeprosopy and mesoprosopy : 
there are no leptoprosops. The most characteristic facial feature is the nose. Unfor- 
tunately Dr. Sarasin neglected to take measurements in the field and had to rely on 
measurements of photographs ; they appear to be strongly platyrhine (" Chamarhine "). 
The root is generally broad and sunken. In profile the nose is usually concave, rarely 
straight, and still more rarely slightly convex. The lips are thick, especially the 
lower one. The chin is usually retreating. The eyes are straight, and though a 
small epicanthal fold may be present the caruncula is never covered. 

Allusion was made in Man (1906, 98) to the discovery and investigation of 
Toald caves in Lamontjong by Drs. P. and F. Sarasin. The implements were mainly 
made of quartzite and were formed of flakes, which were chipped on one side only. 
"They consisted of single and double-edged knives, scrapers, borers, lance-heads, and 
urrow-points with Serrated edges. The latter are of especial interest as the bow is 
almost unknown in Celebes. The artefacts, human and other animal bones demonstrate 
the existence in the past of troglodytes of small stature and primitive characteristics 
who used stone implements, had bows and arrows, were hunters and collectors, but 
had no domestic animals, except, perhaps, a dog. The authors have no hesitation in 
regarding these people as the ancestors of the Todla, and propose the name of 
'^ Urtodla" for them. It might have been better if they had been introduced to science 
as the " Proto- Todla," thus avoiding the combination of a German with a native 

Dr. Sarasin^s comparison of the Toala with the Veddas is very instructive. The 

[ 123 ] 

ITo. 67.] MAN. [1908. 

Stature of the men and women of both peoples is practically identical ; thejr are small, 
but not of pjgmj proportions. The skin colour of the Toala is lighter than that of the 
Vedda. The hair of the head is very similar, though that of the Veddas is slightly 
longer ; very similar is the face hair, though somewhat more strongly developed in the 
Veddas. The face in both is short and broad. The superciliary arches and the glabella 
are more frequently prominent in the Veddas. The sunken root of the nose, its 
concave profile and broad wings are common to both. The coniform projection of the 
lips occurs in both. The chin is more retreating in the Toala. Among the most 
important differences are the head-form, the Vedda being dolichocephalic and the 
Toala stock meso- and brachycephalic ; 17 male Vedda skulls from the interior were 
strongly dolichocephalic, averaging 70*5, whereas 7 skulls of male coast Veddas 
had an average of 76 * 5, and one living person had 79. The proportions of the body 
are also diflfereut, especially relative length of the extemities, the arms of the Veddas 
being longer in proportion to the stature. 

The Senoi (Sakai) of the Malay Peninsula, according to Martin, resemble both 
groups in many characters, but they are shorter — 149*5 to 154*8 «m. — than either. 
The skin colour somewhat resembles that of the Vedda, and the hair is very similar, 
but has a reddish tinge and is coarser and stiffer. The head index ranges from 76*4 
to 80. Annandale and Robinson also give an average index of 78*3. The super- 
ciliary arches and glabella are very rarely at all prominent. The face is broad and 
the nose mesorhine bordering on platyrhine. 

The evidence clearly points to a community of race between these three peoples. 
Dr. Sarasin also seeks for traces of this stock elsewhere, and thinks it may be found 
in the Eubu of Sumatra, and perhaps among other peoples. Neither Java nor Borneo 
have yielded examples of this race ; unless, as Dr. Sarasin maintains, it is represented 
by the dolichocephalic (75*5) Ulu Ajar of Borneo, who are also darker than their 
neighbours ; but Dr. Nieuwenhuis sees no reason why they should not be of Indonesian 
stock. Too little is known of the ethnology of the other islands for anything definite 
to be stated. 

According to Dr. Sarasin^s investigations there is now no trace of a Negrito or 
of a Papuan race in Celebes, although he admits that the Papuans, at all events, 
probably passed through the island. 

To the Toradja stock belong the great mass of the inhabitants of Celebes : most 
of them are still heathens, though some are slightly influenced by Islam. In the 
southern peninsula are the Bugi (Towugi) and Makassarese states, with a monarchical- 
feudal system, whereas the heathen Toradja enjoy a patriarchal government. The 
following are included in this stock : — (1) the Toradja of the district of Paloppo, 
(2) the Topebato and allied tribes, (3) the mountain tribes of western Central-Celebes, 
especially the Tokulawi and Tobada, (4) the stems of the south-eastern peninsula, 
especially the Tomekongka and Tololaki, (5) the Bugis and Makassarese, (6) the 

The following is a summary of their physical characteristics. Stature : Tome- 
kongka, 156*4 cm. ; Gorontalese, 159*8 cm. ; Toradja, 159*8 cm. ; Bugis and Makas- 
sarese, 162 cm. The skin has usually a light-brown colour, which is astonishingly 
light in the Bugis and Makassarese. The hair is wavy to straight ; all are lissotrlchous. 
The head-index is distinctly brachycephalic, Toradja, 81 '3 ; Tomekongka, 83*8 ; Bugis- 
Makassarese, 83*3 ; Gorontalese, 83*8. The face form of perhaps half of the Toradja 
is short and broad, while a beautiful and fairly high oval face, which is frankly 
mcsoprosopic, greatly preponderates among the Bugis and Makassarese. Nasal index : 
Toradja, 97*8 ; Tomekongka, 90*3 ; Tololaki, 86*8 ; Gorontalese, 86*6 ; Bugis-Makaa- 
sarese, 85*65. The profile of the nose is generally straight or slightly convex, rarely 
concave ; the bridge is moderately high, and the root scarcely sunken. The Bugis- 

[ 124 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nob. 67-^. 

Makassarese, who have mixed most with foreigners, are the highest type ; they have 
the tallest stature, lightest skin colour, broadest head, longest face, and narrowest 
nose. Next to them are the Tololaki and Tomekongka. The men of Minahassa have 
an average stature of 164*7. The skin colour is a very light clear brown to yellow. 
There is little hau* on the face. The face is a beautiful oval, but shorter and broader 
in the women. The root of the nose is never sunken, with great breadth between 
the eyes : the profile is straight, rarely concave in the men, though usually so in the 
women. The eyes of the men frequently, and the women always, have a Mongolian 
fold more or less developed. 

Dr. Sarasin discusses most of the previous literature dealing with the racial 
elements in the East Indian Archipelago. Some authors have endeavoured to prove 
the existence of a dolichocephalic or mesocephalic (mesaticephalic) race, to which they 
would assign the term Indonesian, and a brachycephalic race, of whi(^ the true Malays 
are a branch. If this be granted there are, so far as is known, no Indonesians in 
Celebes. Dr. Sarasin is in favour of the view that the inland ^^ Indonesian ** stems are 
characterised by a high mesocephaly or low brachycephaly (but he appears to under- 
rate the marked dolichocephaly of some peoples), and the Malayan mixed stems by a 
low to strong brachycephaly. He calls the whole population, excepting the To41a, the 
Malayan stratum (^* Malayische Schichte*'), but not divisible into Indonesians and 
Malays, though he proposes to distinguish a proto- or true Malayan stratum and a 
secondary or mixed Malayan stratum (" deutero- oder misch-malayische Schicht "). To 
the former stratum belong the " prototypus " of the Malays, in which are included the 
Battak, Dajak, Tonggerese, Igorrots, etc. — (he docs not, however, define what people in 
Borneo he means by Dajak). To the latter stratum belong the coast Malays and the 
mixed peoples of the Archipelago. He allocates the Toradja, Bugis, and Makassarese, 
the inhabitants of the interior of the northern peninsula, the Gorontalese of the interior, 
and the Mongondower, and the original natives of Minahassa to the *' Proto-Malayan 
stratum,^' and the coastal tribes, including some of the Bugi Makassar and Gorontalese, 
to the " Secondary or Mixed Malayan stratum." The root of the whole proto-Malayan 
stratum is to be sought for in Further India at a time when there was direct communi- 
cation by land. Later came the sea-faring trading people from the western part of the 
archipelago, Malays from Malakka and Sumatra, Javanese, finally Arabs, Chinese, and 
Europeans. This product is the Secondary or Mixed Malayan ring which encircles the 
coast of Celebes. Probably no one will dispute the validity of this latter group, but 
it does not appear to the present writer that the last word has been said. Dr. Sarasin 
deserves great credit for having " dissected out " a Vedda-like element in the population, 
though I cannot but believe that there is yet another element with a marked tendency 
to dolichocephaly in Indonesia, which is insufficiently recognised by Dr. Sarasin. 
I refer here more particularly to the Muruts and other tribes of Sarawak (" Sketch of 
the Ethnography of Sarawak," Arch, per VAnth. e VEtnoL, Vol. XXXI., 1901, p. 341) 
and to the Ulu Ajar of Netherlands Borneo (cf. Max, 1905. 13). The thanks of 
ethnologists are due to Dr. Sarasin for this most admirable monograph and for the 
numerous excellent plates illustrating racial types. A. C. HADDON. 

Folklore. Ooinme. 

Folklore as an Historical Science, By George Laurence Gomme. London : QQ 
Methuen & Co., 1908. Pp. xvi + 371. 15 x 23 cm. Price 75. 6rf. DO 

The problem how best to utilise tradition in the interests of history has occupied 
the attention of Mr. Gomme for many years. In earlier works, notably in The Village 
Community in Britain and in Ethnology in Folklore^ he had argued very strongly in 
favour of the possibility of discovering an ethnical element in folklore and of attaining 
important historical conclusions by analysis and comparison cf \ raditional stories, rituaL 

[ 125 ] 

ITo. 68.] MAN. C1908. 

and institntions. In the present work ho returns to the attack. Protesting against the 
contempt bj historians of the evidence of tradition and equally against the neglect by 
students of folklore to carry their researches into the ethnical field and correlate them 
with those of professed historians, he endeavours to show how such researches maj be 
applied to British history. 

Let me at once say that the distinguished author has produced one of the most 
suggestive works on folklore that have appeared for many years. No one reading it 
can fail to be impressed with his learning and eloquence, with the intensity and glow 
of conviction which animated his pages, and with the admirable points he makes 
repeatedly in the course of the argument. K we reserve our judgment it is hu-gely 
because much of the detailed proof is not yet before us ; it is to be embodied in a further 
work on tribal customs on which he is known to have been engaged for some time. 
Fending the appearance of that work, therefore, criticism can only be diffident and 
tentative, and the few observations I am about to offer are made in that spirit and in 
the hope of directing the author^s attention to one or two difficulties arising upon the 
consideration of his arguments. 

It is one of the merits of the book that every chapter opens a vista of new 
questions. I must therefore severely curb my inclination and concentrate my remarks 
upon a single subject. But it shall be a subject of capital interest to anthropologists. 
Mr. Gomme has dared to propound one more theory of the origin of totemism. He 
analyses the constituents of totemism and comes to the conclusion that its origin is to 
be sought in the relation between the individual members of the totem ic group and the 
totem. He finds it in ^^ the industrialism of early woman, from which originated the 
'^ domestication of animals, the cultivation of fruits and cereals, and the appropriation 
'^ of such trees and shrubs as were necessary to primitive economics. The close and 
" intimate relationship with human life which such animals, plants, and trees would 
^*' assume under the social conditions which have been postulated as belonging to the 
" earliest stage of evolution, and the aid which these friendly and always present 
^^ companions would render at all times and under most circumstances would generate 
" and develop many of those savage conceptions which have become known to research.'^ 
In short, totemism would arise from the connection imagined between a woman's 
children and the friendly animal, plant, or tree. 

Now I am entirely at one with him in thinking that '* totemism has not come to man 
^^ fully equipped in all its parts. It is, like every other human institution, the result 
" of a long process of development, and the various stages of development are 
" important parts of the evidence as to origins." It is probable, too, that "at the 
" beginning it was not connected with blood-kinship and descent," or with any system 
of marriage. At the same time it must be pointed out that if we are to look for its 
origin in the domestication of animals and the cultivation of fruits and cereals, we 
should expect to find domestic animals and cultivated plants bulking largely in the 
list of savage totems. But this is precisely what we do not find. These objects are 
rarely totems, and I think never in savage communities, for the very good reason that 
the domestication of animals and cultivation of plants are not industries characteristic 
of the lowest stage of culture. Moreover, I have grave doubts whether, in assigning 
(if I rightly understand him) the origin of totemism to the imagined association 
between the totem and the individual children Mr. Gomme is not overlooking the 
solidarity which forms so powerful an influence over peoples in the lower culture. 
The group may be large or small, but save, perhaps, in the case of outcast peoples 
driven into waste places and decimated by persecution and want, we find everywhere 
groups, and the members of those groups entertain towards one another the most 
intimate feelings of community. Mr. Gomme, indeed, recognises this in another part 
of his argument. " Early man," he says, " does not live individually. His life is part 

[ 126 .] 

1908] MAN. [No. 68. 

" of a collective group. The group worships collectively as it lives collectively." 
But if so, can totemism have had an individualistic origin ? The groups referred to 
are not the primitive group of an adult male with his wives and impubesccnt children 
postulated by Mr. Lang. They are wider ; they are organised in a different manner. 
Mr. Lang^s primitive group seems to me not only unsupported by evidence, but 
improba'ble ; and I regret that Mr. Gomme, who has so vigorously criticised some of 
Mr. Lang's speculations, has not gone a step further and challenged this one. It is 
in effect based on the presumed universality of masculine jealousy, and masculine 
jealousy is anything rather than universal. If the harem-group (as I may call it) 
had been primitive it is very questionable whether humanity would have survived 
in the struggle for existence, or at least whether it would have become the 
predominant power that it is. The harem-group is individualistic in its tendency, as 
we find among the anthropoid apes and the larger Felidss, where it is formed of a 
single pair and their immature offspring. Such individualism would have been fatal 
to humanity. 

Passing to Mr. Gomme's application of his principles to the investigation of 
British folklore, he argues powerfully, and I think successfully, that remains of 
totemism are to be discovered. But these remains are, he tells us, remains of kinless 
peoples ; that is, peoples not organised on the tribal systena. K I understand him 
rightly, tribal organisation was based upon kin, and so far as the British Isles were 
concerned was confined to the Aryan-speaking immigrants. The earlier inhabitants 
were not organised on the basis of kin. But totemism, wherever we find it fully 
developed in modern savagery, is a part of the organisation of a people organised upon 
the basis of kin. We may therefore presume that the remains of totemism dis- 
coverable in the British Isles, though now, of course, disintegrated and to a large 
extent divorced from kinship, descend to us from a people or peoples recognising kin 
and organised on that basis. Mr. Gomme, I gather, thinks otherwise and excludes 
the Celtic and Teutonic invaders from the totemistic populations ; they were organised 
on the basis of kin, and blood-kinship is the foe of totemism and ultimately destroys 
it. Even so, however, they had probably passed through the stage of totemism, and we 
cannot deny the possibility, or, indeed, the probability, that vestiges of that condition 
remained. Animal names, for instance, are reckoned by the author among vestiges 
that often remain long after totemism has ceased to be an effective system. He 
adduces quite properly animal names among the Irish and Scotch as evidence of 
former totemism. How can we be sure that this former totemism is to be assigned 
exclusively to the non-Aryan population absorbed or subjugated by the Aryan-speaking 
invaders ? The difficulty is increased when we turn to the Anglo-Saxons and find 
animal names (Hengist, Horsa, and names compounded of wolf^ to mention only those 
that occur at once to the mind) and animal symbols rife among them. If such names 
and symbols among the Celtic-speaking populations be vestiges of totemism, are they 
not vestiges of totemism also among the Anglo-Saxons ? To grant this, however, 
is to admit that we cannot derive the remains of totemism found in the British 
Isles from the pre-Aryan population exclusively. Such a stratification of folklore 
is impossible. 

But though I thus find myself unable to subscribe to certain of Mr. Gomme's 
conclusions upon the evidence he has brought forward, I must emphasise the fact that 
a large part of the evidence is not yet before us. The present work may be regarded 
as an introduction to the greater work that is behind. It is necessary as giving a 
preliminary general view of the author's position and preparing his readers for the fuller 
working out of his proofs hereafter. Independently of this, it contains valuable criti- 
cisms of many existing theories. It is a timely and earnest assertion of the historical 
value of an important branch of anthropology ; and among the services it renders is 

[ 127 ] 

IMM.] MAN. [Vos. 68-70. 

the mwUeaee on ibe tmporUuiee of the economic forces which pkjed their part in the 
eiroloiion of homan soeietj : forces too often lost sight of in anthropological speculation. 


America, North-West Smith. 

AreluBology of ike Gulf of Georgia and Paget Sound, Bj Harlan L |IQ 
Smith [edited bj Franz Boas]. The Jesnp North Pacific Expedition. Vol. U^ D9 
Fart VI., pp. Ml-i41. Memoirs of the American Mnsenm of Xatnral Historj, New 
York Citj, 1907. 

In this memoir is giren the result of scTcral seasons* work along the shores of 
Pnget Soand and the Gulf of Georgia. During the course of the exploration, which 
was started in 1897, manj sites were risited and partiallj examined, manj shell-heaps 
were discovered along the coast ; but none appears to hare been thoroughlj explored. 
The paper is particularlj ralnable in recording the numerous archaeological sites 
occurring in that region. 

Few, if any, new tjpes of objects are described or figured and the material 
disco vereil in the shell-heaps does not appear to have been of unusual interest or 
value ; but the work was undoubtedlj carefullj done and the memoir is a welcome 
addition to the literature of the north-west coast. 

Among the more interesting specimens figured is a serpentine celt, in an antler 
socket, which closelj resembles specimens from the Swiss lakes. A number of stone 
sculptures of various forms and sizes are also figured, several of the specimens being 
in the British Museum and other European collections. 

A se<;tiori is devoted to the ^^ Petrogljphs of the Region between Comox and 
^ Nariaimo.^* lliese are found on the exposed surfaces of outcropping rock. Several 
c^insist of quite extensive groups of human figures, fish, and mythological designs or 
figures, ititermiiiglc^l and confused. The largest petrogljph thus far discovered in the 
vicinity of Nanaimo includes several peculiar figures which ffeem to be reproduced 
in other near-by groups ; one represenls a bird-like figure having horns, another is a 
mythological figure with a dog-like head, a long slender body, and a curved tail. 

A very brief dcHcription of the " Clubs made of the Bone of Whale " was prepared 
by Dr. Franz BoaH, from data gathered by Smith from different sources. According 
Uy lioas : " One of the most characteriHtic types of specimens from the region between 
^^ Vancouver Island and Columbia River is the war-club made of bone of whale or 
^^ of stone, broad and rather thin, of lenticular cross-section, and generally with a 
** carved head." 

Quite a numl>er of such clubs, belonging to European and American collections, 
are figured. In referring to one specimen the rather remarkable statement is made that 
it was "collected in 1790 by Professor E. H. Giglioli, Florence." This must, of 
course, be conHidere<l as an oversight of the editor ; but many sentences throughout 
the memoir are so ambiguous that it is often difficult to understand what the authors 
wish to imply. The descriptions of many specimens would have been more easily 
understrKxl had small Hkotches of the objects been included. The drawings of several 
clubs flhown in this memoir wore made from illustrations of the specimens which have 
appeared in other publications ; but no reference is made to the fact, and we are led 
to believe the specimens are now figured for the first time. 



Tub Coniiti'? irOr^nniHation of the Congriis Internationale d'Anthropologie et 111 

d^Arch^M>lo|(io pr<*historique8 has decided to hold the fourteenth session in f U 

Dulilin in 1910 instead of in 1909 as originally arranged. 

Printed by Bybi and Spottiswoodb, Ltd., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, R.C. 

Plate I- 

Mak* 1908. 



1908.] MAN. [No. 7L 

Egypt. With Plate I-J. Petrie. 

The Peoples of the Persian Empire. By W, M. Flinders Petrie, ^i 
F.R.S., F.B.A. It 

The widespread empire of Persia has long been one of the great landmarks of 
civilisation. It gave for the first time peaceable intercourse and trade facilities over 
some 3,000 miles, from the ^gean to the Himalayas ; and in the army list of 
Herodotus it furnishes us with the first descriptive catalogue of a host of various races. 
That list deserves far more study than it has yet received, but in another direction it 
is now illustrated by one of the centres of Persian power — Memphis. 

The British School of Archaeology in Egypt has begun its great work on Memphis 
by excavations this spring. The foreign quarter has been found around the temple 
of King Proteus described by Herodotus, who proves to have been Merenptah of the 
XlXth dynasty. And all over the foreign quarter are found small heads modelled in 
pottery, which clearly are copied from various races which were welded together by 
the Persians, and who all met in the foreign settlement in Memphis. Those here 
shown are some of the most important types. First is the Sumerian or Accadian, the 
old Turanian people who started civilisation in Babylonia. Their heads are identified 
by closely similar portraits carved in stone about 3,000 B.C. and found in Mesopotamia. 
Below; that is the Persian great king, with a long profile of a high type, identified by 
the tiara, disc, and bushy hair. At the bottom is the Scythian horseman, the Cossack 
cavalry of the Persian army, as known to us with his pointed hood and bushy beard 
on the Crimean vases. On the right side, at the top, is the Tibetan Mongolian, below 
that the Aryan woman of the Punjab, and at the base a seated figure in Indian attitude 
with the scarf over the left shoulder. These are the first remains of Indians known on 
the Mediterranean. Hitherto there have been no material evidences for that connection 
which is stated to have existed, both by embassies from Egjpt and Syria to India, 
and by the great Buddhist mission sent by Asoka as far west as Greece and Cyrene. 
We seem now to have touched the Indian colony in Memphis, and we may hope for 
more light on that connection which seems to have been so momentous for Western 

The age of these figures is indicated by the links with the Persian occupation of 
Egypt, in the heads of the Persian king, a Persian officer, and the Scythian cavalry. 
This Persian dominance lasted from 525 to 405 B.C., and after that there was only a 
brief eleven years of turmoil and destruction just before Alexander, to which we can 
scarcely assign works of art. The rise of such figures belongs, then, to the fifth century 
B.C., when they were all modelled by hand on the solid mass. Later figures were 
moulded in moulds, as the Indian woman here, whose date is approximately shown by 
the long-necked amphora on which she leans, which may well be about 200 B.C., and 
such a date would agree with the moulded Greek figures also found here. 

Who made these figures we may guess. Greek taste and ability is seen in the 
modelling, but the idea of representing foreigners is peculiarly Egyptian rather than 
Greek. To the Greek settlers in Egypt, with a mixture of Egyptian parentage and 
influence, such works as these are probably due. 

The rest of the work of the British School resulted in finding the foreign quarter, 
clearing most of the courtyard of the temple of Proteus (Merenptah), clearing part of 
the western court of the temple of Ptah and finding there a great quantity of dedicated 
tablets, delimiting all the large temenos of Ptah, finding two large buildings of King 
Siamen, from one of which seven inscribed stone lintels and some door jambs have 
been recovered, and ascertaining the palace site and the gate of the great camp. 

The tablets are curious, as giving the meaning of the figures of ears. Such are 
Jiccompanied by invocation to " Ptah, who hears pravers," showing that the ears are 

[ 129 ] 

Nos. 71-73.] MAN. [1908. 

those of the god to receive the petitions left in his temple. Sometimes there is but 
a single ear, and not a word or a figure more. On other tablets are more ears, until 
we reach one with 386 ears engraved upon it. This custom shows the meaning of 
the small blue-glazed ears that have been found in other temples. 

Before going to Memphis the British School worked at Athribis near Sohag in 
Upper Egypt. Part of the walls of one temple of Ptolemy Auletes, and the site of a 
temple of Ptolemy Physkon were found. The record of bringing incense trees from 
Punt (Somaliland) in that age is new to us. A remarkable tomb with two coloured 
zodiac horoscopes of Roman age was completely copied. And, two miles beyond, a 
cemetery of the pyramid age was discovered, and tombs copied and photographed. In 
one tomb is shown a man with six wives, a larger number than is known for any 
private person. The results of this work are all published in a volume, Athribisy 
and the results from Memphis will appear this autumn as Memphis L 

A Coptic marriage contract of about a.d. 600-800 found last year has several 
curious provisions. The assent of the mau^s father, mother, and elder brother is 
given, probably because the woman was taken into the hou«e. There is absolute 
equality of terms from man and woman, who marry according to the custom " of every 
*' free man and every wise woman," showing that celibacy was not honoured. The 
bridal gift was about 10*., and there is a condition of unqualified divorce, without any 
legal cause, by either party, on paying about seven times the bridal gift. Such 
terms in a Christian document clearly show an older Egyptian custom. 

In the coming season the British School will work on a cemetery ground at 
Thebes, and in the dry season continue the most promising clearances already started 
at Memphis. Both men and money are needful for this largest enterprise of excavation^ 
which promises to teach so much during the next decade. 


Scotland : Marriage. Lang. 

PIrauru In Scotland. By A, Lang. ^A 

Concerning the Dieri and Urabunna custom of Pirauru^ or Piraungaru^ f fc 
opinions differ as to whether it is a survival of " group marriage " or a legalised form 
of license. Perhaps light may be found, while few would look for it, in Sir George 
Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters Criminal, The Tinkers (does 
he mean Gypsies ?) were not capitally punished, he says, for adultery. " And some 
" respect was had here to that absurd custom amongst Tinkers of living promiscuously 
" and using one another's wives as concubines." 

Here is pirauru in Scotland of the late seventeenth century. Is it a survival of 
" group marriage " or a mere form of license among Tinkers ? It is their " custom," at 
all events, more or less recognised by law, and few, perhaps, will call it a survival 
from " group marriage." It is a pity that Mackenzie, as he regarded the custom as 
" absurd," does not go into details. (He was " Bluidy Mackenzie " of Rosehaugh, not 
Sir George Mackenzie of Tarbet.) A. LANG. 

Africa, West. Prazer. 

statues of Three Kln^^s of Dahomey. By J. G, Frazer. ^Q 

On a recent visit to Paris I was struck by three life-size wooden statues in f If 
the Trocadero Museum, which represent three kings of Dahomey — Guezo, Guelel^, and 
Belianzin — all more or less completely in the form of animals. Through the courtesy 
and kindness of Dr. Verneau, Director of the Museum, I am able to communicate to 
Man an excellent photograph of these statues, and another photograph of a throne 
which belonged to one of the three kings. It is not the first time that these curious 
figures have been published. They were the subject of an illustrated article by 
M. Delafosse which appeared in La Nature^ No. 1,086, for March 24th, 1894 

[ 130 ] 



[No. 73. 

(pp. 262-266), and to whiuli Dn Vcrneaw kindly called my attention. The following 
iioeount of the ^tatvtes^ frnnaiated from that article may be of interest to readers of 

" These statiiet^ are, in fact* symbol icnl, each of the kings it* represented nnder 
the figure of an animal which he bat* clioBen fur his emUlein and of which he hears 
the name. Giiezo, sumamed Kokoulo^ that is to say ^ the coek,* is represented under the 
form of a man covered with feathers; Gneiek'., called Kiniklni^ * the lion,' h figured hy 
a lion rampant ; and, lastly, Behanzin, whot^e »iirtnmie i^ Gbowele^ wliieh meaiii* ' ^hurk/ 
has the shape of a dog-fifih graced with two arms and supported hy htnnan legs. 

**^TIie fcatheri* which cover, or rather which covered, the body of Guexo — for 
many of them have diitappeared — are nothing but metal platens, naib, gimlets, old iron 
of any sort. Only a few of the plates remain, hn\ from the holes and broken en<i8 
it is ^i\Ay to see that formerly 
they covered the whole liody 
of the statue from the neck 
to the haunches, and that they 
began again at the knee^. The 
interval is explained by the 
presence of a pair of drawers, 
which is painted on the statue 
in brown and yellow istripeii. 
This, taken with the name A'o- 
koulo^ proves that these metallic 
ptaies representeil feathers ; 
Gnezo'i* drawers are suppose*! 
to cover iheso feathers, just as 
Guelele's drawers are supposed 
to cover his hair. The figure is 
coloured reddish-brown : the hair, 
the eyebrows^, and the beard are 
painted black, . . . 

** The statue of Gnelelc 
represents a red lion rampant, 
w*ith the tail raised, the ears 
pricked up, the eyes looking up- 
wards, a long snout, and a mouth 
open and showing tw^o Bue rows 
of wbit^ teeili and a very red 
tongue applied to the lower jaw. 
The hair is represented all over 
the body, except on the thighs, which are covered by a pair of drawers painted 
green. The feet and the hands are (be feet and the bauds of a man. 

" Behanzin has a green head and a black bmly. The head, which is rounde*! 
from the nape of the neck to the \ery wide and deep nostrils, and is provided with 
enormous round eyes, recalls the head of an allegorical dolphin, ratlier tlian a shark. 
On each side the iKniy has a Hn, one on the belly, and one on the back. The 
scales are represented with great care and great regularity- 

*^ The three statues have the arms in the same position, which is that of a boxer 
preparing to attack — the left fore-arm horizontal, (he right fore-arm raised. This 
combative altitude was formerly emphasized by a wea[K>n in each hand ; the holes 
which must have served to fix the sw^ords may still be seen, Gne«o etill brandishes 
ill his right hand a Dabomev sword, broad and short. He wears at his l>ack an iron 

[ 131 ] 


No8. 73-74.] 



tmrtritlge-poiicU, supported bv a belt nf the same motfti, and above the left elJ>ow be 
ba:s an iron bracelet, Gweleic* weart* a similar cartridge-poiieli, ouly iu front. Bebunzin 
bfuL one uIho ; the nails which fa^^rened h may t^till be t^eetu 

'* The statues have, in fact, suffered the ravages of time, and, perhaps, also the 
Biutilatioiis Inflicted by blut^k soldiers enlisted in onr expeditionary eoltmnu Guesco 
arrived in Paris three-qtiartera plucked ; Guelele had an arm broken and a pieee of 
his snont knocked off; Behanzin had Inst bis lower jaw, which was probably 
devouring a European, if we may judge by the kiug'j* i^cepire, which also repre?*erit8 
a shark muuehing a white man between its teeth. 

*^The dii^appearance of Guezo's plumage and of Bebanzin's lower jaw had taken 
place before General Dodds got po»sei*sioii of the statues. The aceidejit to Gndele 
ban been skilfuby repaired by M. Ilcbert, of the Museum, who has been guided by 

water-eoloiir sketches mnde iu Dahomey by Captain 
Fonsi^agrives. Other water-colour sketches of the same 
officer reproduce the bas-reliefs and the paintings 
which decorate the walls of the pfilace at Abomey. 
. . . . The kings are there represented by their 
symbols ; Guezo h there figured liy a bird, which 
must be a cock, Gnelelc by a Uon, Behanzin by a 
fish, j>robaMy intended for n shark/* 

Of these kings Guezo reigned from 181H to 1858; 
his son, Gueleli!, reigned from 1868 to 1889; and 
Guelel^'s son, Behanzin, reigned from 1889 till he was 
expelled by the French, The throne, of which n photo- 
graph is here given, belonged to the Hon king Guelele 
and shows his emblem, a lion. To this I woidd add 
that in the great Anthropohigical Museum at Berlin 
there is a stiitne of a Wt?st African king, I think from 
Dahomey, which represents the monarch with the 
whiskers of a teoparti. Professor von Lusehan ealle*! 
my attention to it when I was at Berlin some years 
agn, and he told me, if 1 remember aright, that I lie 
king bore the name or surname of Leopard. 

Those statues seem to prove that kings of Da- 
homey hidiitnaily posed as certain tierce animals or 
birds. The custom deserves to be studied, and may 
perhaps throw light on such legends as the Minotaur, the 
serpent of Erechtheus, and so forth. Whatever these 
animal syinl»ols of tlie kings of Dahomey may have 
been, they cannot have l>t'cn totems hereditary in the male line, since they dtftered 
in three duccessive generations ti^aced from father to son. J* G. FKAZKR. 

Africa : Uganda. 


Nantaba, the Female Fetich of the King of Uganda. % Mr Ji 

Ii€i\ •/. liosroe^ Local Correspondviit of the Rot/ft! Anthrapolot/ival Insihnte * f ^ 
Wheij a king is crowned he sends to his fathers mother's clan to get a new 
Fetich Nantttba. The relations prepare a gourd ready for the ceremony, and also 
e boose out the tree, which nmst be a special kitjd known as luHnmhf/t\ VVlien these 
arc ready, four men go to the place for the ceremony ; the men are Kago, Nakatanzi 
(who is always of the Lugavo clan), Sokitimba (who is of the ivind clan), and Muknsu. 
These four men take a large present of eowrv shells and a white goat from the king 

[ 132 'l 

1908.] MAN. [Nos. 74-75. 

for the ceremony. When they arrive, the people of the king's grandmother's clan 
prepare a feast for them ; they then conduct them to the tree which is to be the 
centre of the function. The men make offerings of shells and of the white goat to 
the tree, after which it is cut down by some of the men belonging to the clan. Bark 
cloths are spread out around the tree, so that all the chips are caught as they fall 
and gathered together on to the bark cloths. When the tree falls, the king's grand- 
mother comes forward with the gourd, and, stooping down over the stump of the tree, 
holds the gourd so that the wind blows into it and howls ; she then crams a few of 
the leaves of the fallen tree into the gourd and covers it rapidly, whilst all the people 
shout for joy that the wind has been caught. The gourd is stitched in goat's-skin 
and decorated at once. All the chips which were cut from the tree are gathered 
together on to the bark cloths, and a stout stick is cut from the tree stem ; this is 
given to the same old lady, who wraps it in bark cloths an(^ hands it to Kago to carry. 
The chips, with the bark cloths, are tied to the stump of the tree and left there. The 
members of the clan guard the stump of the tree and allow it to grow again. 

Nakatanza takes the gourd, places it in front of him, and fastens it by wrapping 
a bark cloth around his body : he then has a bark cloth over his shoulders and walks 
like a woman near her confinement. All four men set out for the capital, walking 
slowly, Eago carrying the stick and keeping pace with Nakatanza, who is not allowed 
to walk more than two miles each day. On their way back the four men are not 
allowed to eat meat with blood in it ; their meat has to be dried before it is cooked 
to get all the blood out of it, nor may they see any blood. When they reach the king^ 
a house is built for the gourd, Nantaba, and also one for the stick ; one of the king's 
wives, whose name is Eabeja, has charge of the hut in which the gourd is placed. 
The stick is placed in an upright position, whilst all the sticks of former kings are 
laid down by the new stick. 

When the wind blows strongly Kabeja has a drum beaten in the hut of Nantaba 
to keep her from wishing to escape, and also to let her know she is guarded. When 
Nantaba wishes to sit in the sun, Nakatanza has to come and carry her out and put 
her in the middle of her courtyard. A feast is always made when she comes, and the 
king's wives come and sit around to see the fetich, because they hope thereby to 
obtain favour and have children. In the evening Nakatanza carries back the gourd 
into the hut. 

During the lifetime of the king Nantaba is held in great esteem, but directly he 
dies she is thrown away and another gourd made for the next king. 

Nantala is said to have power to assist the king's wives to have children and 
become mothers. J. ROSCOE.. 

Fiji. Rivers. 

Totemism In Pyi. By W. H. R. Rivers, M.D., F.R.S. (Percy Sladen ^fj 

Trust Expedition). 19 

Williams* has described the connection of certain deities with animals and plants in 
Fiji, and has stated that he who worships the god dwelling in an animal must never eat 
of that animal. This is strongly suggestive of the existence of totemism ; but so far as 
I know the presence of this institution in Fiji has not been definitely demonstrated, and 
a few facts gleaned during a recent visit may he put on record, especially as the infor- 
mation was obtained from inhabitants of the interior of the island of Viti Levu, about 
whose customs little has been recorded. I first learnt of the existence of beliefs con- 
cerning the relations of men and animals from Mr. A. B. Joske, who has long been in 
charge of the northern and eastern parts of the interior of the island. Mr. Joske 
recognised that these beliefs pointed to the presence of totemism in Fiji, and I am 

* Fiji and the F\jiawt, London, 1868, vol. i., p. 220. 
[ 133 ] 

No. 75.] MAN. [1908. 

verj much indebted to him for allowing me to publish some facts learnt from him in 
addition to those collected by myself. 

The people of the interior of the island form a number of independent communities 
which may probably be regarded as tribes, and each of these has a number of divisions 
and sub-divisions which in the relatively high development of Fijian society have 
departed widely from the character of the septs into which a totemic community is 
usually divided. The animals from which descent is traced, and whose flesh is pro- 
hibited as food, are usually associated with the larger groups which seem to correspond 
to tribes, though the divisions of the tribe often have sacred animals or plants peculiar 
to themselves in addition to those which are tabu^ to them as members of the tribe. 
The following are examples of sacred animals all taken from a small district in the 
northern part of the interior of Viti Levu ; the people of Cawanisa have as their tabu 
animal the dravidraviy a small aquatic creature of some kind, and in this case none of 
the divisions of the people have any restrictions peculiar to themselves. The Cawanisa 
generally believe that they are descended from the dravidravi which they may not eat. 
The sacred animal of the Nadrau or Navuta people is the qiliyago^ a small black bird 
with a long beak, and this bii*d is tabu to the whole tribe, but some of the divisions 
had restrictions peculiar to themselves, the Wailevu division eating neither the dog nor 
a fish called dabea^ while the Kaivuci might not eat the snake. 

Again, the people called Navatusila had as their general tabu animal the ganivutu^ 
a fish-hawk, but one of their divisions, the Hamarama, were also prohibited from eating 
the fowl ; another, the Vadrasiga, might not eat the cogi^ a pigeon ; the Naremba, 
might not eat the bird called reba^ and three divisions, the Ivisi, Nanoko, and lasawa 
might not eat the dog. In each case the members of the smaller groups believed in 
their descent from the tabu animal. Other sacred animals of this part of the island 
were the owl and a bird called tuitui^ while other examples given to me by Mr. Joske 
were a lizard and the kingfisher, and a case in which people who believed in their 
descent from a prawn were allowed to eat this animal but only with its shell. 

Williamsf states that when the god is enshrined in a man human flesh is tabu^ 
and Mr. Joske gave me an example of this. I was myself told of a similar restriction 
which had, however, some special features. The restriction applied to one of the 
divisions of the Nadrau people, the Nasalia, probably a separate tribe which has become 
fused for some reason with Nadrau. The Nasalia had two divisions, the Nabovesi and 
the Caurevou, and the latter were not allowed to eat human flesh, but if they killed a 
man the body was taken to the Nabovesi. 

I think that few will doubt that the foregoing facts demonstrate the existence of 
totemism in Fiji. There are present the three characteristic features of this institution : 
belief in descent from the totem, prohibition of the totem as an article of food, and 
the connection of the totem with a definite unit of the social organisation. In the third 
feature Fijian society differs from that usually associated with totemism in that the 
sacred animal usually belongs to a group which appears to correspond to a tribe instead 
of belonging to a division of the tribe. The Fijian social organisation has, however, 
departed so widely from the primitive type that this is not surprising. At present 
marriage is regulated solely by kinship, and there is no evidence that any of the social 
divisions are exogamous. Though the sacred animals usually belong to the tribe, they 
are, as we have seen, still also frequently connected with the smaller divisions which 
may possibly be the representatives of exogamous septs and the customary connection 
of a sacred animal with the tribe as a whole is probably late, a result of the high 
development of chieftainship in Fiji, the chief having imposed his totem on the whole 

• I have adopted the spelling customary in Fiji, in which b stands for mb, c for the th.^ the,- 
d for nd, g for the ng of singer, and q for the ng of finger. t -^^* ^* 

[ 134 ] 

190&] MAN. [No. 75. 

Among these hill tribes it seemed clear that the sacred animals had become gods, 
which had, however, retained their animal form definitely. I was told bj one of the 
Nadrau people of certain rules of conduct given to them by the bird qiliyago, and it 
would seem that we have here an early stage in the evolution of a god from the 
totem animal. During a short stay in the Rewa district in the low country I found 
a. condition showing a later stage in this evolution. Here each village had a deity 
called tevoro with a name which usually showed no sign of an animal origin, but in 
many cases these deities had the power of turning into animals and in such case the 
people of the village in question were not allowed to eat the animal. Thus, the people 
of Lasakau, a division of Bau, had a tevoro called Butakoivalu who turned into the 
sese^ a bird of the same shape as the qiliyago^ but of a different colour, being blue 
with a white breast. The bird could not be eaten, and here, as in the hills, it was 
clear that the restriction extended to the whole people and was not limited to either 
of the two divisions of which the Lasakau people are composed. The village of 
Tokatoka had as tevoro Rokobatidua, lord of one tooth (mentioned by Williams), who 
could turn into a hawk. The people of Vunivaivai had as tevoro Gonirogo, who 
could turn into a snake. The tevoro of Moana and Naluna were Ranasau and 
Rokodelana respectively, both of whom were in the habit of turning into the large 
shark called qio. 

A different stage was found in the village and district of Nakelo ; the village of 
this name had a tevoro called Gone tabu, who did not change into any animal, but his 
priests were not allowed to eat the eel, which looks as if the deity had once had 
this form. The district of Nakelo had also a tevoro Ravuravu, who did not change 
into any animal, but was said to have come from a vesi tree. Ravuravu had three 
sons : Sirivakusaku, who walked like a fish ; Tadilo, about whom nothing could be told ; 
and Seyere, who could turn into the sese bird. Neither this bird nor the fish called 
saku might be eaten by any of the people of the Nakelo district, and the condition 
described is strongly suggestive of three social units, two at least totemic, which have 
become fused into one community. 

Examples of tevoro from other islands were also obtained here. The tevoro of 
the people of Vuma in Ovalau is Sucudua, who turns into a white dog, and that of 
the island of Yadua near Vanua Levu is Volitiyadua, who turns into the qio. In 
some cases in which the deity never turned into an animal, it seemed that the tevoro 
was of the kind called kalouvatu or war-god, and these gods probably formed a class 
separate from that of the tevoro of animal origin. 

Another variation in the evolution of totemistic belief was found at Tavua on 
the north coast of Viti Levu, where the conditions were investigated with the help 
of Mr. Joske. There were four groups of these people, the Kainavauvau, the Eaina- 
buna, the Eaivanuakula and the Eainabula, the last named being a separate people 
who were burnt out of their home, probably some fifty years ago, and took refuge 
at Tavua. All four groups had snakes as their sacred animals. The Kainavauvau 
and Eainabuna were connected with red snakes, which they were not allowed to eat, 
and all these red snakes were believed to have descended from a certain mother- 
snake called Tunada. The snakes of the Eaivanuakula had broken tails and were 
descended from a mother-snake called Mudu, who also had this characteristic. The 
Kainabula were connected with a kind of snake which lived on a banana called 
nakukoto or matacawaka^ and were descended from a female ancestor called Tunavuni. 
These snakes were said to be especially friendly with the people of their respective 
groups, thus if a Eainabula man saw one of his snakes on the banana he would say, 
" Is that you, Vakawali ? Come along I " and the snake would crawl along the man's 
arm, climb on his shoulder, and twine itself round his neck. The subdivisions of the 
original Tavua people had no tabu animals peculiar to themselves, but one division of the 

[ 135 ] 

Wos. 75-76.] MAN. 0908. 

Kainabula, the Oimua, might not eat the garau or crab, when in their original home, 
and they believe that they were descended from it. 

There remain to be considered certain restrictions on the use of plants as food, 
and the question whether these plants may also have been totems. I was told of 
several instances in which plants could not be eaten by the members of certain social 
groups. Thus, the Nasalia division of the Nadrau people might not eat the vm, a 
plant resembling taro, nor could they eat the soaga or native banana. Similarly the 
people called Kaisaladina might not eat the damuni, a curved purple yam. Another 
restriction on the use of plants as food was first given to me as peculiar to the Kaina* 
galadina division of the Nabubucu people. These people were not allowed to eat yams 
during the two months which begin with the new moon in January under penalty of 
becoming ill, the two months being called Uluvatu and Nabotoka. The people of 
Nadrau had the same custom and called the two months Uluvatu and Vunagumu, but 
they stated that the practice was followed by the whole Fijian people in the old time. 
The only tabu on plants of which I could learn in the Rewa district was in the village 
of Naluna, the people of which plant vudivula or white bananas, which are eaten by. 
the priestA, but not by the people themselves. It will have been noted also that one 
of the tevoro of the Rewa district was said to have come from a tree, but in this case 
I could hear of no restriction associated with the tree. 

It seemed quite clear that there was no belief in descent from the plants which 
were forbidden as food, and it is possible that these restrictions may have had their 
origin in some source different from that of the restrictions on the use of animal food. 

The tabu of a tribe or its divisions is not limited to them, but extends also to 
those who stand to them in the relation of vasu. This is the Fijian way of putting 
the matter, but it has the effect that a man may not use the sacred object of his 
mother's as well as of his own people. 

Finally, it must be pointed out that these restrictions and beliefs belong almost 
altogether to the past, though I met one or two old men who said they still abstained 
from the use of animals or plants which were forbidden in the old time. Further, I 
must point out that the data for this paper were obtained during a very short stay in 
Fiji ; so short that I had no chance of mastering the complicated social organisation 
of the people ; and there are doubtless errors in the names and exact social relations 
of the various peoples whose practices have been cited as evidence of the existence of 
totemism. W. H. R. RIVERS. 

Africa, East. Dundas. 

Notes on the Orli^ln and History of the KIkuyu and Dorobo ^fi 

Tribes. By Hon. K. R, Dundas. IV 

The earliest inhabitants of the country now occupied by the Kikuyu of whom any 
reliable information is obtainable were a people who call themselves the Okiek. To 
the Kikuyu they were known as the Asi,* to the Masai as II Torobo,+ and to the 
coast people as Wa-Ndorobo, by which name they were also familiarly known to 
Europeans, though of late the more correct form of Dorobo has taken its place. 
Curiously enough some writers have recently invented and use a corruption of the 
Swahili form and style these people Andorobo. 

Who the Kikuyu were, and when they first came into the country which they now 
occupy, are questions not easily answered. The invasion commenced probably about 
80 or 100 years ago and has not entirely ceased even now. Undoubtedly many 
different tribes impelled to migrate by famines, raids, and the pressure from within and 
without of increasing population, helped in forming the present Kikuyu race. That 
they represent a fusion of many different tribes is shown by the numerous types to be 

• Sing., MuaH. t Sin^., 01 Turobani, 

L 136 1 

1908.] MAN. [No. 76. 

seen amongst them, md it is not difficult with a little practice to tell the particular 
division to which a Kikuyu belongs. Thus the people of Iriaini* have pronoimced 
Masai features, and many of their chiefs are pure or half Masai by birth. This is due 
to the fact that when the Kikuyu invaded that district about forty years ago they found 
it occupied by the remnants of the Aikipiak and Dala-le-kutuk Masai, who owing to 
famines, raids, and other causes were too much weakened to resist them. The two 
tribes therefore settled down peaceably side by side, and by intermarrying formed one 

Again, many of the Kikuyu clans claim descent from certain particular tribes ; 
thus, the Anjiro and Chakamoyo clans say they are descended from the Shuka, the 
Akkachiko and Achera from the Kamba, the Aesaka from the Chaga of Kilimanjaro. 
Anyone enquiring into the descent of those present at a meeting of Kikuyu elders will 
find an extraordinary number of different tribes represented. One is a Maeru, another 
a Chaga, a third a Masai, a fourth a Shuka, a fifth a Dorobo, and so on. 

The actual Kikuyu themselves are said to have come from two tribes called the 
Shagishu and Ngembe, both of which still exist as tribes somewhere beyond the Maeru 
country, north of Mount Keuia. 

I cannot speak from experience of the Shagishu, but I have met a native of 
Ngembe whose appearance reminded me strongly of a Kikuyu. This man, who said 
he had never seen a white man before, told me that his country lay beyond Maeru and 
that he had come here to visit relatives. These same Ngembe are believed to have 
been originally Dorobo, and Karuri, one of the paramount chiefs of the Kikuyu, who is 
himself a Dorobo, claims descent frofn them. The Ngembe of the present day are 
probably analogous to the Kikuyu, t.e., they are a mixture of Dorobo and some other 
tribe or tribes. 

Many absolutely foreign tribes have had colonies in Kikuyu for shorter or longer 
periods. A tribe of coast people called Digo are stated to have lived for many years 
on the Tana River, in what is now known as the Fort Hall District.! Somali, 
Galla, Borana, or some other similar people effected a very strong footing in Kikuyu 
some fifty to seventy years ago. According to tradition they belonged to the Barabio 
Lokulala, Sigirai, and Endaramuroni clans, J! and they had settlements at Nyeri, 
Naivasha, Kijabe, Punda Milia, and generally all over the Kikuyu country. 

In those days the Aikipiak Masai occupied the Laikipia Plateau, the Purko Masai 
were at Naivasha, the Kaputiei in the Kidong Valley, and the Tarosero at Iriaini. 
The Dorobo, who were still the dominant tribe, occupied with the Kikuyu the present 
Kikuyu country. 

With all these tribes the Somali or Galla lived in a state of chrouic warfare. 

The Larussa, a Kikuyu clan, and the Atwa, a Dorobo clan, unable to hold out 
any longer, migrated. The former have, it is said, preserved to this day their tribal 
identity and customs, and are still to be found somewhere in the vicinity of Kili- 
manjaro§ ; the latter near Mombasa.|| 

The remaining tribes appealed for assistance against their oppressors to a great 
medicine man called Supi (or, to give him his correct name, Supeet), the grandfather 
of Lenana, the present Masai chief. 

* The name Iriaini is said to be derived from 'N-Darosero ainei, my Tarosero women. Tarosero 
is the name of the most important clan in this particular section of the Masai. 

t Mr. HoUis informs me that the S^eja, who have intermarried with the Digo, a sub-tribe of 
the Wa-Nyika, have a tradition to the effect that they once lived on the Tana River. 

X Barabio is the Eakuyu, Sigiriaiish the Masai for Somali and Galla. 

§ Possibly the Arusha, who live on Mount Mem in German East Africa. 

II By Mombasa the up-country native often means the coast generally. According to Mr. Hollis 
the Wa-Sanya call themselves, and are known to the Galla as, Watwa ; sing., Wanya. 

[ 137 ] 

No. 76.] MAN. a908. 

Supi is said to have instructed the Dorobo to bring him a pair of sandals made 
of leather having hair on both sides, the Masai to bring him a bull, the dung of 
which was pure white, and the Kikuyu an animal called Huko (a burrowing rat 
or mole). 

The Dorobo cut off the ears of a donkey, and produced these as the required 
sandals before Supi ; the Masai brought a bull fed on milk only ; and the Kikuyu 
the animal called Huko. 

Supi then told each tribe to take its respective charm and to attack' the enemy 
separately and at different points. 

The Masai, marching into Kikuyu from Naivasha, fell upon the strangers first, 
and takiug all their stock drove them on to the Kikuyu, who in their turn drove them 
on to the Dorobo, by whom they were finally routed. 

The Somali or Galla were thus disposed of, and only by the name Iregi, 
which was given to the generation that fought with and expelled them, and by a 
few women of their tribe, taken prisoners by the Dorobo, are we reminded of their 
settlements in Kikuyu. Amongst these prisoners may be mentioned an old woman 
called Barabio, who is still alive and resides in one of Burgo's villages. She was 
formerly Chief Karuri's nurse. 

Needless to say the Masai kept all the cattle which they captured, and this 
caused a rupture between them and the Dorobo and Kikuyu, who joined forces and 
waged war on them. After a truce had been made the Dorobo and Kikuyu fought 
amongst themselves. 

If the Kikuyu were to live and increase they had to cultivate the ground, and to 
do so they were obliged to destroy the forests. The very existence, however, of the 
Dorobo depended on the preservation of the forests, and hence arose a struggle for 
survival, which allowed of no compromise and could have but one end.* 

In an incredibly short time the great primseval forests, the home of the Dorobo, 
were destroyed, and with them this interesting people ceased to exist as a tribe. 
Deprived of the means of living, many died, some took to cultivation, whilst the 
majority migrated to other regions, where they formed small colonies, such as are to 
be found at Baringo, Naivasha, Ravine, Kijabe, on Laikipia and Man, at Taveta, in 
German East Africa, and even, it is said, in places as remote as Kismayu — (the clan 
that went to this last place was the Agumba). This scattering of the tribe accounts 
for the peculiar fact that Dorobo living in widely different localities speak the same 
language.! The Baringo, Naivasha, Kijabe, and Ravine Dorobo, and those of similar 
colonies will, if questioned as to where they come from, usually mention Kururuma 
and KarirauJ as the birthplace of their fathers. 

As regards the origin of this interesting tribe, we know little or nothing. There 
appear to have been two branches, the Agumba and the Okiek : the former hunted 
the game on the plains, the latter in the forests. They lived in pits dug in the 
ground and covered over with leaves of the wild banana ; these pits may to this day 
be seen anywhere in the Kikuyu country, though of course they become more 
numerous the nearer one approaches the forest. They are also said to have buried their 

* The first Kikuyu to come into the country appear to liave been almost without exception 
pastoral, and they accordingly did not interfere at all with the Dorobo. The later arrivals, who seem 
to liave possessed less stock, purchased from iniividual Dorobo the right to certain pieces of land or 
forest. For some reason or other just about the time the Somali or Galla were driven out, a sudden 
very pressing demand for grain appears to have arisen amongst the Kikuyu ; this may have been due 
to one of two causes — the Kikuyu may have lost through sickness a large amount of stock, or there 
may have been just at this time a sudden influx of agricultural natives. 

t Nandi. (In colonies not in touch with Nandi-speaking tribes, the younger generation is 
rapidly forgetting this language.) 

I The country lying between the Rivers Boyo and Mathyoya in Kikuyu 

[ 138 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nos. 76-77. 

dead, and to have sacrificed to them ; the few still surviving are believed to sacrifice 
every year (or more probably every Mwaka) to their ancestors. They spoke a Nilotic 
language* ; but languages go for nothing in this country, where a whole tribe will 
with the greatest facility in the cour?e of a single generation change its language. 
The Dorobo themselves say that they, the Masai and the Kikuyu, are the descendants 
of a common ancestral tribe called the Endigiri, and that their ancestors came from 
beyond Mount Kenya. They also maintain that the elans of all three tribes are 
identical ; that, for instance, the Aisakahuno clan is the Mokesen of the Masai ; 
the Anjiro, the Tarosero ; the Amboi, the Moleljan; the Akkachiko, the Aisir ; 
and so forth. 

Their Masai name of II Torobo| might, perhaps, imply that they are descended 
from a tribe of dwarfs ; but though there are undoubtedly pigmy tribes of Dorobo, 
such as the MuisiJ of the bamboo forests of Mount Kenya, the Dorobo in existence 
at the present day are of much the same stature as other tribes in East Africa. The 
dwarfish figures of the Muisi Dorobo may possibly be explained by the life they lead. 

Compared with other natives the Dorobo are not deficient in intelligence; in 
fact, in many respects rather the contrary is the case. Dorobo wisdom and cunning 
are proverbial amongst the Kikuyu and Masai, who consult them in eases of sickness 
and accidents. K. R. DUNDAS. 

New Guinea. Van der Sande. 

Nova Guinea : Resultats de V Expedition scientifique Neerlandaise a la IT 
Nbuvelle-Guinee en 1903, sous les Auspices de Arthur Wichmann^ Chef de ml 
V Expedition, Vol. III. Ethnography and Anthropology by G. A. J. van der Sande, 
Surgeon Dutch Royal Navy. With fifty plates, 216 text figures, and a map. Leyden : 
Late E. J. Brill, 1907. Pp. 390. 31*5 x 25 cm. 

Despite the polyglot character of its title-page this valuable work is printed in 
English, and for the additional trouble which this must have entailed the sincere 
thanks of English-speaking peoples are due to the author. Probably the first volume of 
the series gives an account of the places visited and other details of the expedition, as 
this one plunges without prologue into an ethnographical description of the natives 
studied by the author and his colleagues. The subjects dealt with are (1) Food, drink, 
and delicacies ; (2) Clothing and ornament ; (3) Habitations and furniture ; (4) Hunting 
and fishing ; (5) Agriculture ; (6) Navigation ; (7) Trade and commerce ; (8) In- 
dustry ; (9) Arms; (10) Customs and government; (11) Art; (12) Religion; 
(13) Anthropology. 

* It is difficult to account for the peculiar fact that they spoke Nandi. There are, it appears 
to mCf reasons for believing that a large number of tribes now living in East Africa migrated from 
the north rid Mount Kenya, and passed through the Kikuyu country. Maoy of these, and this 
may have been the case with the Nandi, Lumbwa, and Sotik, iJJay have settled down in these 
fertile regions for a period sufficiently lengthy to have impressed their language on the aboriginal 
inhabitants. It is quite possible that very large areas may have been deforested during, and 
afforested after, such occupations. 

t Dorop, pi. doropu, means short in Masai. 

X Endigiri and Muisi are different names for the same people; they are also known to the 
Kikuyu as Amaithachiana. This name is said by some to have been applied originally to all the 
Dorobo or Asi. The name Asi itself might possibly mean the rulers, in which case it bears out 
the theory that the Dorobo were originally the ruling tribe in the country. It is, perhaps, worth 
mentioning that the word Athi, one of East Africa's principal rivers, is possibly the same as Asi, 
the Kikuyu name for the Dorobo. 

According to Mr. MacQr^or, of the Church Missionary Society, the name Amaithachiana means 
chUdstealers, I think myself, however, that the name means the fierce little people^ and is derived 
thus : — ^Amaitha is the name given by the Kikuyu to a fierce people — ^it is, for instance, their name 
for the Masai — the word Chiana means children or, in a Becondary sense, little people. 

[ 139 ] 

No. 77.] MAN. [1908. 

The general plan adopted by the author is first to describe the subject matter of 
the section dealt with, as it occurs in Netherlands New Guinea, referring at the same 
time to the accounts of previous writers — confirming or correcting them as the case may 
be by personal observation ; next a comparison is made with what occurs in Kaiser 
Wilhelm's Land and in British New Guinea, full references being given in every case. 
It will thus be seen that this bulky volume is not merely a detailed account of the 
observations made and the objects collected by the author, but it is virtually a summary 
of what is known respecting the ethnography of Netherlands New Guinea and a fairly 
complete comparative account of that of other parts of New Guinea. It would be 
unreasonable to expect this comparison to have been exhaustive, as the memoir would 
have grown impracticably bulky, but the student will find here quite sufficient material 
for all ordinary purposes, and the references to authors will put bim in the way 
of more complete information. The bibliography is almost exhaustive. 

The descriptions are given in terse language, and all that is written is to the point ; 
greater precision is given by the use of anatomical and other technical terms, and most 
of the plants and animals mentioned have been identified. In many instances Dr. Van 
der Sande gives detailed accounts of the structure or manufacture of objects which are 
of great interest and value ; the following are only a few instances : tattooing, &c,y 
hair-dressing, bows and arrows, canoes and navigation, currency beads, and all the 
varieties of the stitches in the string bags and bands are carefully described and 
figured. Great praise is due to the author in all that pertains to the material aspects of 
native life, but unfortunately the social and religious aspects are very inadequately 
treated. Ignorance of the languages and too short a stay in the various places appear 
to be the main reasons for this deficiency. 

It is true the author has described gome small ceremonies that he witnessed, but 
he is unable to give any certain explanation of them, and our knowledge, small as it was 
previously, of the religion of natives has not beien increased to any extent. Concerning 
the sociology of the people we know practically nothing. The section on art is very 
meagre. One cannot help also feeling disappointed with the chapter on Anthropology, 
many of the observations on psychology and physical characters are of considerable 
interest, those on the hair and teeth being especially good. Valuable measurements of 
the limbs and trunk were made, and their respective ratios are given, from which canons 
of proportion were constructed, but no indication is given of the number of individuals 
measured, only one measurement in each case being given, but we are not informed 
whether it is a mean or only a single measurement. The same criticism applies to the 
head measurements, though so far as the latitudinal index is concerned we learn that 
among the Sentani people thirteen were dolichocephalic ( — 76 ' 4) and nine were 
mesaticephalic (76 • 5 — 80 • 9), the average being 75 • 68 ; while in Humboldt Bay eight 
were dolichocephalic, seven meso-, two brachy- (81-85 • 9), and one hyperbrachy cephalic 
(86 + ), the average for males being 77 '9 and for females 75*67. Only one skull was 
collected, which is described, as are several limb bones. 

The very large number of most excellent illustrations made from untouched 
photographs greatly add to the value of the work, these are distributed throughout the 
letterpress. At the end of the volume are twenty-nine beautifully executed photographic 
plates (eight being in colours) illustrating the arts and crafts of the people investigated. 
One plate illustrates the skull, hands, feet, teeth, &c., and the remaining twenty plates 
give full length front and side views of men and women. These photographs are of 
much beauty and constitute a mine of information to the student. Enough has 
been said to prove that this memoir is indispensable to those who are interested in 
Melanesian ethnology or in distributional problems ; but, indeed, it should be studied 
by all ethnologists. A. C. HADDON. 

[ 140 ] 

1908J MAN. [No. 78. 

Sociology. Webster. 

Primitive Secret Societies. By Hutton Webster. New York : Macmillan, ^Q 
1908. Pp. xviii + 227. 22 x U cm. Price Ss. 6d. 10 

It is good business to get a good title, and Dr. Webster has succeeded in giving 
his book a title which may attract more than the student of social growth. His purpose 
is to show how the " secret society " of a comparatively late stage of culture is evolved 
in principle and in detail, by a process of shrinkage and sub-conscious imitation, from the 
primitive clan structure. His argument starts with the separation of the sexes as 
secured by the institution known as the men^s house. The clan is thus the first secret 
society, for it is secret as excluding the women and males of tender age, and is an 
organised society. Further subdivisions based on age appear in course of time, and 
we have a series of grades within the tribes. There are rites and initiatory ceremonies 
to mark each stage and to afford occasion for the inculcation upon the neophyte of his 
duty towards his fellows in his class and those above him. As the centralisation of 
authority or the specialisation of function proceed, the secular chief appears, condensed 
out of the magma of priestly, inhibitory, and magical powers with which the elders as 
an organised group were invested. At this point appear secret societies which retain 
the initiatory rites, and which are baaed on unities entirely different to those which 
nucleate the tribal groups. 

Secular authority may be reinforced by these secret societies, or the absolutism of 
the chief may find in them a salutary restraint. Thus the initiated form an oligarchy 
whose hold over the profanum valgus is sustained by means similar to those which are 
employed at an earlier stage to frighten the women and uninitiated into submissiveness. 
Mystery, awe, curiosity, and material advantage are their weapons. Organisations thus 
founded and thus maintained are in the nature of things peculiarly liable to suffer from 
the disruptive force of social progress. The secret society, if it survives, becomes either 
a magical confraternity, a religious caste, or a social institution. We may, of course, 
see in this the germ of learned societies as well as of other associations of men, which to 
this day practise initiatory rites and exclude the ladies. 

It is clear that Dr. Webster uses the epithet " primitive " in a relative rather than 
in an absolute sense, when he applies it to the social groups which have, on his view, 
appeared through a process of gradual shrinkage of the original puberty institution, 
" in which, after initiation, all men of the tribe are members " (page 135). I cannot 
agree with Dr. Webster in regarding the Naga tribes of Assam as " primitive." True, 
they have preserved the men^s house, but in all else, in the material arts of civilisation, 
they have made great progress. People who are expert blacksmiths, who know how 
to make gunpowder and how to use it, who are skilled agriculturalists, who poll their 
trees, are, from the material point of view, not primitive. 

Then so far as the linguistic researches of recent years permit any definite 
conclusion, it is not possible to class the Nagas with the Indonesian group, as our 
author has done (p. 10), unless we are prepared to maintain the thesis that the 
Tibeto-Burman languages and the Indonesian languages on which Ray, Kuhn, and 
Pater Schmidt have done such brilliant work, are more closely connected than at present 
is proved. True, the Khasis speak a language which belongs to the Mon-Khmer group, 
whose affinities with Malaccan dialects have been proved beyond doubt, but the Khasis 
are matriarchal and do not have the institution of the Men's House. Now we have 
within the borders of the State of Manipur a wide range of social structure and culture 
ranging from the relatively civilised Meitheis to the comparatively backward Nagas and 
Eukis. Among the Meitheis we find organisations both on lines of relationship (the 
clan structure) and on lines of other natures (the laUlup or militia, the kei-rup or 
tiger club, a village organisation to kill tigers ; and the sing-lup or wood club, which 

t 141 ] 

No. 78.] MAN. 11908. 

primarily serves as a burial club, but which has been known to meddle in politics). 
We find that there is a word for the institution of the men's house, but not the 
institution itself. We also find that in the villages where the organisation is less 
complex than at headquarters there are still village officers bearing the titles Pakhan- 
lakpa and Naha-rakpa, wardens of the youths and of the younger lads while attached 
to the Court is a functionary whose title, Ningon-lakpa^ warden of the girls, proves him 
to have been charged with the training of the maidens of the royal household. 

Among the Tangkhuls, whose habitat is in the hills immediately east and north-east 
of Manipur, we find that the clubhouse has disappeared within the memory of living 
man, very largely on account of the policy of their Meithei overlords, who took special 
care to break up every feature of the organisation of these tribes which could give them 
trouble. Among the Mao and Maram Nagas to the north of Manipur, as well as among 
the Kabuis and Quoirengs to the north-west, the institution of the clubhouse still 
flourishes. At Mao I was told that the man who made a gift of his own house for this 
use, enjoyed ccmsiderable reputation as a public-spirited man, and that the occasion of 
such a gift would necessitate a village genua and confer the distinctive dress and tabus 
of the khuUakpa on the donor. In all Naga villages, as also in Kuki villages, are 
to be found the gossip platforms on which the elders sit and smoke and discuss matters 
of high policy. The clubhouse is in some cases of a different shape to that of the 
ordinary house, and is remarkable for its great height and the sheer slope of the roof 
from the apex to the rear, where it almost touches the ground. 

I cannot say that I have ever come across any initiation ceremonies in this area, 
but then I cannot say that I ever made any enquiries into this subject except that I 
learnt that the old custom of blooding a warrior before he married had died out under 
pressure of the Pax Britannica, which did not encourage head-taking. But I have 
some evidence to show that we have three stages of social classification among these 
tribes. First, the children of both sexes are kept with their mothers till seven or 
eight, then the boys are separated and enter the clubhouses, of which there are some- 
times two, one for the juniors before puberty and one for those who have reached 
puberty, then the elders go back to the separate houses to the women. Among the 
Tangkhuls when a man's son marries he has to turn out of his house and vacate his 
office if a village official. This custom is dying out because it led to the multiplication 
of houses in a village, a proceeding which was costly when a hut-tax was imposed. 
But it still applies to the succession to village offices where it at least guarantees that 
a male in full vigour shall exercise authority. Then I found that the grave is or is 
not dug by the unmarried lads according to the manner of the death of the person to 
be buried. In some cases, what we call ordinary cases of death, are buried by the 
bachelors, while what we, mistakenly as I think, call unusual cases of death, by 
violence, etc., are buried in graves dug by the elders who do not reside in the club 
house. I once witnessed the Mangla Tha (a village genua in honour of the dead who 
have died within the year) ceremony in a Quoireng village, and took careful note of 
the fact that all the married people were kept inside the village while the bachelors 
wrestled and competed outside with one another at the long jump and " putting the 
stone.'' Then the lads formed into a procession which entered the village and then 
the married folk came on the scene. The women carried two torches both alight and 
the men sang a sort of dirge. It may be noted that the bachelors had smeared their 
legs with white earth and were wearing their gala attire. Among the Kabuis Colonel 
McCuUoch in his classical but unfortunately little known Account of the Valley of 
MunniporCy observed, as I have in my day observed, that unmarried lads were treated 
with less severity than married men. Theft by a bachelor is not dealt with hardly, but 
is severely punished when the thief is a married man. 

[ 142 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nos. 78-79. 

Among the Quoirengs and Kabuis I learnt that it was usual for the young 
married men to live in the club house, but to visit their wives stealthily, and that only 
the old men were allowed to sleep in their private houses. In some villages the girls, 
too, are kept in a separate house after they are seven or eight years of age. We 
have here in this area, as has been noted by observers like Davis (Assam Census 
Report for 1891), laxity before marriage in the matter of intercourse between the young 
lads and girls, and severe morality after marriage. 

One or two other small points occur to me as interesting in reference to the 
separation of the sexes. I have already mentioned in a previous paper the genua for- 
bidding a woman to see the war stone at Maikel (Joum. Anthr. InsL^ vol. 36). Warriors 
both before and after a raid are genua as regards women. The only people in the 
area of the Manipur State who tattoo are the northern Tangkhuls, and there only the 
women tattoo, to serve, as they told me, as a mark of identiiication in the world 
to come. The girls are tattooed before marriage, and McCulloch noted that in the 
fiercer times the price of a tattooed woman of the north was high because her kin 
would avenge any hurt she took. I once saw some Tangkhul boys in a village far 
south who had black circles on their noses, and on enquiry learnt that they were 
marriageable and thus advertised the fact. Their hair was combed down over their 
face in the fashion of the Meithei leisabi, or unmarried girl. I chaffed them over 
their girlish appearance, and was told that when they married they adopted the ordi- 
nary style of coiffure in vogue among the Tangkhuls, so that this in itself is a sort of 
initiatory rite. 

The authority of the elders is very great and is seldom disputed, and among 
themselves the young men maintain a severe discipline, of which a good account is 
given by Captain Lewin in his book on the Hill Tracts of Chittagong, p. 47. 

I have made these notes longer than I had intended, and can only therefore spare 
a few lines for an expression of the value of Dr. Webster's book, which will be found 
to contain a mass of interesting information, some new, but a good deal of it from 
works with which we expect professors of anthropology to be familiar, illuminated by 
much insight and set forth lucidly. T. C; HODSON. 

Africa, South. Kidd- 

Kafir Socialism and the Dawn of Individualism : an Introduction to the ^Q 
Study of the Native Problem. By Dudley Kidd. London : A. and C. Black, f U 
1908. Pp. xi + 286. 11 x 22 cm. Price 7^. 6d. 

Mr. Kidd is this time more concerned with questions of sociology and of practical 
administration than of anthropology proper ; and in so far his book is less suitable for 
discussion in these pages than were The Essential Kafir and Savage Childhood. 
It is, however, full of interest ; and the most definite suggestion brought forward — that- 
of '' an Ethnological Bureau for Greater Britain '' (already advocated by Dr. Haddon and 
others) is one which ought to meet with a cordial response alike from scientists and 
philanthropists. With Mr. Kidd's main contention, that the tribal institutions of the 
South African natives ought not to be interfered with, no disinterested person, at this 
time of day, can wish to quarrel ; while even some not wholly disinterested, if they take 
long views, may see reason to fall in with it. But when Mr. Kidd comes to work out 
his arguments in detail we find ourselves puzzled. Sometimes he involves his point in 
such a mist of words that we are tempted to ask ourselves whether he has not lost 
himself among the theories of comparative politics which he has been studying. He 
appears to us to shift his ground unconsciously as he goes on, and (for all his insistence 
on the objective study of facts) to be not altogether free from the tendency to make th& 

[ 143 ] 

No. 79.] MAN. [1908. 

native fit the theory he has formulated. He is betrayed into inconsistencies here and 
there (c.^., p. 48 compared with p. 85) ; and his very use of words, which is occa- 
sionally curious — e,g,^ "vignettes off" (twice repeated, pp. 99, 150), and "view 
the native problem through their own special keyhole " (Preface, p. ix) — seems to 
show an uncertain grasp of the point at issue. 

The chapter headed " Kafir Conceptions of Justice," leaves lis with a feeling that 
the author has been groping after his meaning through some thirty pages, without — 
while striking out several truths, or half-truths by the way — fully reaching it in the 
end. The difference between European and native conceptions of judicial procedure is 
indisputable and can never be sufficiently emphasized ; fundamental conceptions of justice 
(as seems to be admitted on p. 66) are not quite the same thing. That these should be 
so essentially difierent as that, e.^., a man should rejoice when sentenced for an act 
which he has not committed is inconceivable. That the procedure of our courts of 
justice is merely bewildering to most natives, may readily be conceded : the obvious 
remedy is, as Mr. Kidd contends, to leave these matters, as far as possible, to be dealt 
with by the chiefs on native lines. But that it is British love of justice which is " the 
" very thing of all others to aggravate and complicate the native problem," we may 
take leave to doubt, while making every allowance for the stupidity so often and so 
unfortunately coupled with it. As for " our administration of justice " being " clean 
" and irreproachable from the European standpoint," this is certainly not invariably 
true of Natal. What does Mr. Kidd make of Litshe's case ? — which, by the bje, was 
absolutely unconnected with controverted political questions. On p. 284 occurs another 
passage which can hardly be accepted without qualification. 

We think the author somewhat exaggerates the preference of the Bantu for 
despotism. It may be doubted whether the chief is anywhere " an absolute tyrant." 
He may appear to be so because he has not reached the point at which his people 
would think it worth while to protest ; but disaster is almost sure to overtake him 
sooner or later should he persist in defying the public opinion of the tribe as voiced by 
the elders. The evidence taken by the Cape Commission of 1883 scarcely favours 
Mr. Kidd's theory. Moreover, we cannot resist the impression that, on pp. 6-7, he 
has somewhat missed the native point of view. A prohibition to eat of the new crop 
before the ukutshwama custom had been complied with would not strike a Zulu as 
tyranny, because the chief in " tasting " the first-fruits is not availing himself of a 
privilege but averting the unknown dangers involved in contact with mysterious and 
possibly hostile powers. It is true that this is not mentioned in the Zulu statement 
quoted from the South African Folk-lore Journal, But perhaps the stress there 
laid on the absolute power of the chief unconsciously reflects something of the 
questioner's bias. 

Mr. Kidd is, in our judgment, quite right in protesting against any unity of policy 
which should mete out the same treatment to all the different tribes south of the 
Zambesi. Yet he seems, both in this book and in his former ones, occasionally to have 
generalised too freely from the case of the Pondos, whom he admits (p. 232) to be 
" very low in the scale with respect to intelligence and culture." The progressive 
diminution of intelligence as one proceeds northward cannot be accepted without 
considerable qualification. Surely the Wakikuyu and Wakamba do not come anywhere 
near the top of the scale ? And one would like to know Mr. Kidd's gi*ouuds for 
asserting that the Zulus are less intelligent than the Dclagoa Bay natives. Many other 
points present themselves for discussion, but it would be impossible to do justice to them 
without extending this notice far beyond its legitimate length. Enough has been said 
to show that the book is suggestive as well as interesting, and worthy of careful 
consideration. A. WERNER. 

Printetl by Eybe and Spottiswoode, Ltd., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 

Plate K. 

Man, 1^8* 





1'} J^ 

if ^ 

■\ - 'rm 

f •- <•■ ■ \ i 

' *4 -— .* .. • 





[No. 80. 




Burma. With Plate K. 

Rain-makini: in Burma. ^.y /^. Grant Browru 

The des^cription of rain-niMkirig ceremonies in The Golden Bouffh^ and 

especially thut on p. 96 of The Early History/ of the Kingship {Central Cehbea)^ 

snggesit tlial the Burmese water futttivitl, 
whicii trtkei* pbice yearly iu April, has ita 
origin in min-makiug rites. (I hatl to 
pay five rupees a few days ago to et^cape a 
drencliincr.) If so the conneetion hetweeu 
water- throw in •.; and rain*iiiaking has been 
forgotton* The festival now markn the 
new year. At ibis place (Dedaye) it was 
celehrated by a very interee^ting pageant 
in which various legendary y>ersons were 
represented, from the Thadya Min to 
Maha Bandula^ who fonght the British 
in 1825. 

The legend, stripped of obviously late 
ftiklitionw, i.H that the Brahma Athnya was 
beheaded hy a rival, and^ as his sacred 
lieaij conJd not he allowed to touch the 
ground, it wae caught hy a daughter of the- 
Nats (Fig. 4), who held it in her handa 
till »he was weary, and was relieved by one 
nf iier sisters. Seven sisters pass the bead 
from one to another, and when they pa«s 
it tlie new year begins. The Nats corre* 
tipond to the pagan gods of GreofM? nnd 
H o m e ^ 
H II d t h e 
t i o n o I 
t b o i r 
e X c e p 1 
w h o r a 

tbey have been turned itito disciples of Bnd<lha, Is, 

of eoar[ie, frowned on hy strict Buddbiwti^* Part of 

the Brahma — his headless body — was in one gronp-^ 

in the pageant, and his head in another. 

The ordinary moans of producing rain iu Buniiu 

]» now a tug-of-war. When there is a break in the 

rains whlcli endangers the crops, or wlien the monsoon 

is late in coming, the young [)eople of tiie village get 

a rope and pull agabst each other. Passers-by help 

the weaker side, and this goes on till all the roj>e is 

eovered with hands, and the biter arrivals hang on to 

the waists of the others. At last the rope breaks, 

and this, of eom^se, is the liest part of the fun. The custom is not less interesting 

l>eeause of the absence of any obvious reason why pulling at a rope should produce 

raia. So far I have been unable to find any explanation. 

r u6 ] 

Fig* 4,— water festival at deday^. a cae 

vs the paoeakt : a natthami (daughter 

op the nats). 




No8. 80-81.] 



A lefls common method, which has uumerow.^ pariillels in other cmui tries, is to 
tiike the image of Sliiii Upa^mk, one of Budtlha's di^dples, who is frecpieiitly repre- 
sented in the temples a?* doin^ him homage, and put it out in the hroiling snii. Shin 
UpagAk ig said to have been born after Biiddha':^ death, bnt ho i^ ohvionnjly oue of 
the oUl pods, perhaps the rain-gmK for he is represented as living in a many-roofed 
pavilion surronnded by water, so that anyone who wi*lied to invoke his* aid had to send 
him a mesisage in a golden bowl, which floated to it^*^ destination. 

In the early part of his life he is said to have been compelled to remain naked, as 
a piniif^hnient for having, while a boy in a previous existence, run off with the elothef* 
of another l>oy with whom he was bathing, so that his companion being modeBt had 
to remain in water up to liis waist till he relented and returned the clothes. Thi** tale 

sounder modern, but the nakedness is 
eon Sri stent with hi a character hs the god 
of water* In the Bnddlii^t temple he 
appears, it need hardly l»e said, respect- 
ably clothed. 

A third way of prodncing rain is to 
wa^h the cat. 

These notes were written on a 
house-boat in one of the hrunehef* on the 
Irrawaddy Kiver. I had just addre8*?ed 
thoni to the editor of Mas wlien I wa;* 
told that we had passed a raft cont^iLning 
the image of Shin Upagok (PL K., Fig. 3)* 
Turning the hiunch and going alongside 
I found two pavilions each containing 
an image of Shin UpSg»*»k (Fig. 5) 
thickly covered with gold, and numerons 
oUbrings, chiefly platea, lamps^ and wiaps 
i>f human hair. There were men on 
the raft, but they came from the village 
un the bank, and had just caught it* 
The raft was believed to have drifle<i 
down from Upper Burma. Anyone who 
feels inclined to do so boanls it, makes 
his oHering, and sends it on its way 
One man, as the in script ion showed^ had enclosed one of the images 
glaijs case ; another luid provided a gorgeous hanging suspicion sly like a 

Via, 4i.— WATER r r-jM I v a i. a j iiKDAVE 


in a 

European punkah 

That the golden images, not to mention the oiferiugs, are not stolen speaks not so 
much for the honet^ty of the people at^i for the fear in which tl*e saint is held. Those 
who lind the raft towards evening light candles and lamps on it and let it go again, 
but it must often lie in darkness, and it is surprising that it has not been run down 
by the steiuners and launches that throng the river. H, GRANT BROWN. 

Marshall Islands: Navigation. Joyce. 

Note on a Native Chart from the MareKall lelande in the Df 

British Mueeum* % T, A, Joyv€, M.A. Ill 

The literature dealing with the pee u liar charts constructed by the inhabitants of 
the Marshall Islands is not very extensive. The first acconnt which pretends to give 
anything like a full exphiuation of them was published by Captain Winkler of the 
German Navy in the Mnrint'RundschaUy Berlin, 1^98, pt. x, pp. 1418 to 1439* A 

L 146 ] 

19 oa] 


[No. 8L 

tniiislurion of thi^, not very polif^lio*! ami in pnrts almost grotesque, appeared iti ihe 
Amivml Report of the Siuitlis^oiHan In^iitution for 18911, 

A monograph on the sitme subject was pnbli»«ho<i by Herr A, Sbiiek at Hamlmrg 
in 1902. This work, wbk'h (iitotes larnely from Witikler*6 paper. coutaiiiH a good deal 
of s^upplementary infontuition, and ilbip»trateg evt^ry Hp^cimen of ibfse cbarts* which the 
luilbor wa» aide to tiiscover in Europe, whether in museums or pri%'ule bands. At that 
time there wait not a shigle hpeciraen in tbe British Mui*en»i eolleeliou, but in 1904 nn 
excellent example was pur(that*ed, together with a number of other objeclfe coUeeted 
by Rear-A(hniral Davi?*, The specimen consists!, at* u^ual, of a framework of sticks 
to whi*di artf fasteneil a nund>cr of small shells ; these sheik represent deHnite islands, 
and fortonately the collector hatl written iu pencil^ cloae lo many of the shells, the name 

of the island which eiw^h was ^np- 

posed to repref^iMit. 

Charlie from thene islands fall 
into three eh^ssert : — 

Fin»t, those called Mftttaiuf^ 
which tierve only to instruct be- 
^inneri* in the art of reading anil 
eoiistrutiting charts. 

Secondly, the RthhdilK or 
charts which **how the whole 
group, or a large sGCtion of the 

Thirdly, the Medo^ which 
show a few i^himls only. 

With reja:ard (o the framework 
which supjKjrti* tlie shells repre- 
senting the l»land«^ the explanation 
of the various etieki! was only 
obtained by Winkler after greiit 
ditficulties; his account is di^cutised 
and supplemented hy Sehuck, and 
as I have no fresh information I 
shall not go deeply i»>to the y^ubjcct 
but refer thosie desirous of !*tudying 
the question to the papers njen- 
lioned above. 

Speaking generally, the 
straight horizontal and vertical 
sticks are intended primarily as enpports to the map, though ineideittally they may 
represent the direction of the .nwelli?. The diagonal anil curve<i sticks represent the 
swell* aroused by the prevailing winds which f ravel in a direction at rij^hl angles lo 
eacli stick on the concave side ; the swells coming from diflbrcnt points of the com- 
pass have separate names, and the appearance of the .sea producc«l by a cross-swell 
(occurring usually between if^laml^f no great distance apart) is also distinguished by a 
special term, and is reganlet! as a most valuable indication of the w boreal louts of the 
voyager. It seems fairly clear that charts belonging to the second and third classes, 
while constructed on the lines indicated by those of the first, are the result of personal 
obt^ervation, are ma<le by an individual for his personal and private use, and cannot be 
inteqjrcied fully and satisfactorily save by the owner. The British Museum specimen 
Tielonjrs to the second of these three classes, and shows lK>tb of the two ehaitia of 
islands, Ralik and liatak, of which the Marshall group is composed. 

[ U7 ] 


No. 81] 



The fact that a few of the shells had been identified with islands rendered it 
possible to assign the proper names to most of the rest ; however, there still remain a 
few for which corresponding islets cannot be found on Brigham^s map. On comparing 
the accompanying '* key " to the chart with the actual map of the group it will be seen 
that the position of each island with respect to its fellows is indicated with con- 
siderable accuracy ; any deviation would no doubt be explained by the maker on the 
ground that there was no stick to which the corresponding shell could be fastened in the 
€xact locality. The distances from island to island are not so correctly shown, but this 
is a matter of little importance. The winds in these latitudes being constant at certain 
seasons, the boat can be steered by the swells alone, and its position on the chart relative 
to the islands judged by indications which the practised eye gathers from cross-swells 
and the like. Should the island be passed by any unhappy chance, not only does the 


-® \ / 









k 1 J 






\ \ 





^ - 



\ N 






I ,^^ 



J^ X 


5 __ 



^ \ _ 





Fig. 2.- 



surface of the sea betray the fact to the practised observer, but gives him the clue by 
which he can alter his course so as to reach his port. From the fact that the Ralik 
archipelago is more correctly represented it would appear likely that the maker of the 
map was an inhabitant of one of that chain of islands. For similar charts in other 
museums, their explanation, and a mass of information concerning Micronesian naviga- 
tion and its technical terms, reference may bo made to Schiick^s admirable monograph. 
It may be mentioned that a slight error occurs in Map 5 of Brigham's Index to the 
Islands of the Pacific, from which the above sketch map is taken ; the tenth degree 
of N. latitude is wrongly marked as 5° N. The islands represented by shells on the 
chart have been identified as follows (see key plan, Fig. 2) : — 


1. Wottho. 4. Kwajelin. 7. Jabwat. 

2. Ujae. 5. Lib. 8. Ailinglab. 

3. Lae. 6. Namo. 9. Yaluit. 

[ 148 ] 

10. Kili. 

11. Namorik. 

12. Ebon. 

1908.] MAN. [No8. 81-82. 


13. Taongi. 18. Rongerik. 23. Ligieb. 28. Mayuro. 

14. Bikar. 19. Utirik. 24. Wotye. 29. Arno. 

15. Bikini. 20. Ailuk. 25. Erikub. 30. Mille. 

16. Ailinginae. 21. Meyit. 26. Maloelab. 

17. Rongelab. 22. Yemo. 27. Aui*. T. A. JOYCE. 

Egjrpt : String Pigupes. Ounnlngrton. 

string: Tricks fhrom Et^pkm By William A. Cunnington^ B.A.^ Ph.D. BA 

Only a Bbort time ago three papers were published in the Journal of 9m 
the Anthropological Institute^* dealing with the nature and distribution of string 
figures and tricks in Africa. Dr. A. C. Haddon described figures from South Africa, 
Mr. J. Parkinson some from the west coast, and I gave details of others which were 
obtained during an expedition through the heart of the continent. 

Leaving England in March, 1907, on a Biological Expedition to the Birket el 
Qurun, a big lake in the Fayum province of Egypt, I determined, if possible, to find 
out whether string figures and tricks were known to the people of that country, from 
which we have hitherto had no records. We knew that many tribes of African 
negroes were familiar with this amusement, but it remained to be seen whether it 
was known equally to the very distinct races of north-east Africa. 

During a brief stay in Cairo I noticed a little girl in the street doing something 
of this kind with a piece of string, but I had no opportunity of following up the 
clue. While down on the shores of the Birket el Qurun, however, I made determined 
attempts to get information, but at first without success. It was by showing illus- 
trations of Central African natives performing string figuresf that I finally succeeded 
in making my boys understand, when they at once showed me the three tricks which 
are recorded below. 

It is to be regretted that I was unable to make investigations under more 
favourable conditions. My biological work necessitated camping on the shores of 
the lake, and while in some places villages were not very far distant, a large part 
of my stay was in the actual desert, which bounds the lake on the north and west. 
Thus, considering the length of my stay — some two months — I had singularly little 
to do with the natives, except those in my own employ. 

I feel that these three simple tricks are only worth recording since they afford 
evidence of the amusement in a new locality, and because others may thereby be 
induced to make investigations in a country so accessible and so often visited as 

1. This trick was shown me by Brahim, one of my boat crew, a local Birket el 
Qurun fisherman : — Seated on the ground, extend the string by placing it round the 
neck and over a foot or toe. Cross the index fingers of each hand, the backs of the 
hands being uppermost and the right index over the left. With the crossed index fingers^ 
now approach the left-hand string from the left, and taking the left-hand string on 
the radial (or equally well the palmar) side of the left index, pass the hands with the 
string below the right-hand string and up again on the right of it. Take the original 
right-hand string with the right index, and crooking the indexes round their respective 
strings, pull the hands a few inches apart. By moving the left hand with its string 
clockwise through 1 80 degrees, pass the head into the left-hand loop from the distal 
side, at the same time releasing the left hand. On releasing the right hand the string 
will pull free from the neck. 

♦ Vol. XX^VI., 1906, pp. 121, 132, 142. f ^^. ^y Plate XIV. 

[ 149 ] 

Nob. 82-83.] MAN. [1908. 

2. This trick and the one following it were shown me by Abdul, my personal 
attendant, a native of the district near Wady Haifa : — Seated on the ground with legs 
parted, extend the string by placing over the feet, after having first passed it through 
a ring, which is thus imprisoned between the two feet, though free to move backwards 
and forwards. Extend index and middle fingers of left hand, separate them to form 
a V? ^^^ place them from above, back uppermost, upon the strings close to the left 
foot. Through the V pull up with the right hand the string which is nearer the body, 
and into the loop so formed insert the left foot from the distal side. Now pass the 
ring along the string until it is within the V *^^ retained there by the fingers. With 
the right hand grasp the string which is further* from the body, close outside the V 
on the right-hand side. Pull this up into a loop and similarly insert into it the left 
foot from the distal side. On withdrawing the left hand and extending by means of 
the feet, the ring will be liberated and the string return to its original position. 

3. Place the string as a double ring on the left wrist, the left hand pointing away 
from the body, back uppermost. Passing the right hand across proximal to the two 
radial strings, grasp both the ulnar strings and return, bringing them across proximal 
to the radial strings and beyond these on the radial side. Twist the strings held in 
the right hand counter-clockwise through 180 degrees, and into the loop above the twist 
insert the left hand from the distal side. Withdraw the right hand, and with it take 
hold of the four strings across the left wrist. The string will pull free. 


Australia. Mathews. 

Matrlllneal Descent, Northern Territory. By R. H. Mathews^ L.S. BQ 

In 1899t and in 1901 J I reported a number of tribes inhabiting the Upper UU 
and Middle Victoria river and tributary streams, in the Northern Territory, Among 
these tribes are the Chee'-al, Bilyanurra, and Kwaranjee. In the works quoted in 
the footnotes I gave a table of the inter-marrying divisions of these three tribes, which 
are substantially common to the natives of the whole of the Victoria valley. 

In my tables I classified the women into two sets or cycles, each of which has 
perpetual succession within itself. I also showed that the descent of the sections, 
as well as of the cycles, is determined through the mothers. To economise space I 
will not reproduce the tables here, but ask the reader to consult the works referred 
to. I have elsewhere reported that a man of any given section may have allotted 
to him a wife from any one of a specific quartette of women. For actual examples 
of marriages with what I have defined as Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 wives in the Chingalee 
tribe, which adjoins the Kwaranjee on the east, see Table II, American Anthropologist^ 
VII, N.8., p. 304. 

Spencer and Gillen, from their own investigations, prepared an independent table 
of what they call the Bingougina tribe, probably a southern branch of the Kwaranjee, 
in which the sections which marry one with another, and the denomination of the 
offspring, are practically identical with mine, but the authors arranged the sections 
in their table in such a way as led them to suppose that descent was through the 
men. In order to make the matter clear I must introduce Spencer and Gillen^s 
tab]e,§ but adopting my own spelling of the section names. The feminine forms are 
omitted, so that we may have only eight terms to deal with instead of sixteen. 

* As the trick was shown to nie, the further string was taken at this point. The object is equally 
achieved if the nearer string be taken. 

t Proc, Amer, PhiloA. Soc, XXXVIII., p. 78; Jaurn. Roy. Soc, N.S. Wales, XXXIII. p. 113. 
t Queemtland Oeographical Journal, XVI., p. 72. 
§ Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 101, 102. 

[ 150 ] 



[No. 83. 



! Liaraku 










Spencer and Gillen profess to have discovered that the first four names in the 
'^ Husband ** column are called bj the collective name of fViliuku, and that the 
remainder of the men in that column are collectively known as Liaraku^ thus con- 
stituting two independent moieties, in each of which the fathers are said to hand on 
their moiety names to their sons from generation to generation. This alleged succession 
holds good only while the four men of a so-called moiety marry No. 1 and No. 2 
wives ; when we examine the progeny of the No. 3 and No. 4 wives the succession 
of the men collapses altogether. 

For example, let us suppose that each of the first four " Husbands " in the above 
table marries a No. 3 wife. Then we shall find that Jimidya marries a Janna woman 
and his son is Jamerum ; Janna espouses Jimidya and his son is Jambijana ; Dhun- 
garee marries Dhalyeree and his son is Joolama ; and Dhalyeree takes a Dhungaree 
wife and his son is Jungulla. If the four '^ Husbands " of our example had married 
No. 4 wives the result would have been the same. 

These four sons belong to the Liaraku moiety, instead of to the Wiliuku moiety 
like their fathers. It is indisputably evident that the four '^ Husbands '* in the so-called 
Wiliuku moiety are sometimes the fathers of Wiliuku children, and sometimes the fathers 
of Liaruku children — this matter depending absolutely upon the women whom they 
marry. Therefore, whatever may be the meaning of the terms Wiliuku and Liaraku, 
it is abundantly clear that they cannot be the names of two independent moieties. 

Spencer and Gillen also assert that the Warramonga tiibe are divided into Uluuru 
and Kingilli ; that the Wombaia are divided into Illitji and Liaritji ; that the Worgaia 
are divided into Uluuru and Biingaru ; that the Chingalee are divided into Willitji 
and Liaritji, and so on. Examination of the tables given by the authors fafls to prove 
that a single one of the so-called *'*' moieties,*' in any of the above tribes, can reproduce 
itself through the men or through any other channel, without which succession, any 
attempted bisection of a tribe must fall to the ground. 

In every one of the above tribes a man's wife may belong to any one of four 
sections or to either of the two ^^ moieties," and the denomination of his offspring 
varies accordingly ; consequently Spencer and Gillen have utterly failed either to 
prove descent through the men, or to establish exogamy. 

Correction, — In my article on " Social Organisation of the Ngeumba Tribe, New 
" South Wales," published in Man for February last. Vol. VIII., 1908, No. 10, 1 wish 
to make the following corrections : — On p. 25, line 19 from the bottom, for "Ippai" 
read " Kumbo." In Table II, p. 26, in the seventh column and in the top line, for 
" Ippai " read " Kumbo," which is the correct section name of Jack Onze. Also in 
Table II, in the first column and in the eighth horizontal line, for ^^Kumbo" read 

[ 161 ] 

Nob. 83-84.] MAN. [1908. 

I may as well take this opportunity of stating that if I be afforded the opportunity 
of publishing a supplementary list of marriages on a future occasion, I intend to include 
in the table the totems of each person, because such information would be valuable for 
the purpose of detecting intermarriages of men and women of the same totem in any 
cases where they may exist. R. H. MATHEWS. 

Pyi. Schmidt. 

Totemism In FIJI. By Father W. Schmidt, S.V.D. (See Man, 1908, 75.) Oi 
I have read with great interest the article by Dr. Rivers on " Totemism in Vw 
Fiji " (Man, 1908, 75). It would seem that the article, entitled, " Le Tot^misme 
aux Isles Fiji," by the Rev. J. de Marzan, published in Anthropos, Vol. II. (1908), 
pp. 400-405, has escaped Dr. Rivers' notice. The existence of Totemism in Fiji has 
already been established by this article, which, though comparatively short, sets forth 
in a very lucid manner the fundamental characteristics of the totemism of the inland 
tribes. Moreover, it contains the solution of some of the points which are still not 
clear to Dr. Rivers, particularly with regard to the plant-totems and trees. As de 
Marzan shows, there is a fundamental distinction between the principal and the secondary 
totems ; the first was always double, consisting of an animal and a tree ; and there is 
always a strict tabu upon the killing or eating of the animal and the felling of the 
tree. The secondary totem is some variety, either of yam, taro, or banana, or of two 
or^ three of these plants together. This secondary totem may be eaten, but only under 
special circumstances which are described (p. 402). This information, therefore, conflicts 
with Rivers' unqualifled statement that certain tribes might not eat certain kinds of 
yam, taro, or banana. 

Another discrepancy between the statements of the two authors relates to the 
transmission of the totem of the mother. Rivers states that ^^ a man may not use the 
sacred object of his mother's as well as of his own people." De Marzan writes as 
follows : — " La femme mariee dans une tribu ^trang^re honore les totems de la tribu 
" ou elle se trouve, et aussi ceux de la sienne. Grace k ce double culte, elle pourrait, 
" en cas de mort de son epoux, retourner chez elle si on venait I'apporter quelque 
" present. Mais les enfants de cette femme n'honereront que les totems de la tribu 
" de leur pere, k moins qu'ils n'aillent demeurer dans la tribu de leur m^re " (p. 403). 
I shall conununicate further with de Marzan in order that the uncertainties^ which 
remain may be settled on the spot. The latter author says nothing with regard to the 
influence of the totem on marriage, and his silence would seem to confirm Rivers' 
information in this respect ; but we must await further researches which have already 
been undertaken, the results of which will be published in Anthropos. 

Meanwhile I should like to draw attention to certain similarities which Fijian 
totemism appears to bear to a variety of Australian totemism, viz., that of the Arunta 
and the tribes to the north of them as described by Spencer and Gillen in their two 
well-known books, and also, to a certain degree, with that of northern and north-west 
Queensland and the western islands of Torres Straits. The character of this totemism 
manifests itself in the following peculiarities : — (1) The comparatively great number 
of plant-totems ; (2) the connection of totemism with magic, especially with certain 
ceremonies for procuring abundance of crops ; (3) the connection of totemism with 
conception and child-birth ; (4) the localisation of the totems. All these peculiarities 
seem to be found in Fiji. 

(1) The part played by plants in Fijian totemism is even more considerable than 
in Australia ; moreover, Fijian " plant- totemism " is more systematic than the Australian, 
which seems, in comparison, to be incoherent and fragmentary. One would imagine 
from this fact that Fijian totemism is nearer the source of this institution, a source 
which I hope to trace elsewhere. 

[ 152 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nos. 84-85. 

(2) De Marzan mentions Bome cases in which the (principal) totem is employed 
in divination in the case of war and sickness (p. 401) ; but a more cm'ious point of 
resemblance is given on p. 405 : ^^ J'assistais un jom* k un grand festin dans Touest, 
^^ il y avait d^^normes tas d^ignames crues. Quand tout eut ^t6 entass^ un honmie de 
^^ la tribu qui avait pr^par^ le festin s'approcha des ignames offertes et en reprit une. 
^^ C^^tait Pigname-tot^m. Je demandai la raison de cette pratique ; Ton me dit que si 
'' Ton donnait beaucoup d'ignames non cuites k des Strangers, il fallait en retirer au 
^^ moins une de cette espece, c.-k-d., une des ignames-tot^ms de la tribu, de crainte 
" que les plantations ne produisent plus Tann^e suivante." 

(3) The connection of Fijian totemism with conception and childbirth manifests 
itself in the fact that ^^pour la naissance .... Papparition du tot^m-animal 
avait toujours lieu ^' ; and it is in perfect accordance with Australian totemism in the 
fact that it is to the mother that the totem-animal appears ; ^^ c^^tait la mere de Tenfant 
" pr^s de naitre qui ^tait visit^e par le tot^m-animal" (p. 401). But there is the 
fundamental difference that in Fiji the totem-animal does not effect conception ; the 
apparition is merely an omen for the child already conceived. . 

(4) The localisation of totems is so strict that even individual strangers are 
compelled to observe the tabus, etc., of the district in which they are visitors. 

I cannot clearly determine if another remarkable, perhaps principal, distinction, 
which exists between the totemism of north Australia and that of south-east Australia, 
is present in Fiji. In north Australia the tabu connected with the totem (animal) 
concerns, properly, the eating of it alone ; a man may kill his totem, though he may 
not do so disrespectfully or wholesale, but he may not eat it ; he must give the dead 
totem to those of another totem. On the other hand, in south-east Australia the tabu 
is laid primarily on the killing of the totem, and only secondarily on the eating of it, 
because eating presupposes killing. De Marzan says nothing of a tabu on the killing 
of the totem, unless it is implied in the following passage : ^^ Le tot^m principal ne 
" pent ^tre detruit ou mange " (but this detruit may refer exclusively to the tree- 
totem which may not be felled). Rivers, however, citing the peculiar case of a human 
flesh totem, states categorically, " The Nasalia (tribe) had two divisions, the Nabovesi 
'^ and the Caurevou, and the latter were not allowed to eat human flesh, but if they 
killed a man the body was taken to the Nabovesi." The italics are mine. Thus it 
would seem that, in this particular also, the totemism of Fiji resembles that of north 
Australia rather than that of south-east Australia. The fundamental distinction to which 
I here allude has an intimate connection with the first, viz,, the presence or absence 
of plant- totems, as I hope to prove on another occasion. F. W. SCHMIDT. 

Micronesia : Llngrulstlos. Tliallielinep. 

Beitrag zur Kenntni* der Pronomina personalia und possessiva der Sprachen BE 
Mikronesiens, Von A. Thalheimer. Stuttgart : J. B. Metzlersche Buchhand- UU 
lung, 1908. Pp. 96. 25 x 16 cm. 

Micronesia comes geographically between Melanesia and Indonesia, and a con- 
sideration of its languages is necessarily of importance in the study of the relationship 
of the two main divisions of the Oceanic languages. The Micronesian dialects, 
however, have hitherto scarcely met with the attention they deserve, and although 
much manuscript material exists, very few accurate details of grammar and vocabulary 
have been printed. 

This interesting paper of Herr Thalheimer's is a valuable contribution, within 
a limited scope, to the study of these tongues. Pater W. Schmidt had stated (in Die 
sprachlichen Verhdltnisse Ozeaniens) that two factors of great importance in the 
classification of the Oceanic languages are found in the method of using the possessive 

[ 153 ] 

No. 85.] MAN. [1908. 

sufRxes, and in the expression of number by the personal pronouns. Accepting thi^, 
Herr Thalheimer considers in detail the evidence for these factors in the Micronesian 
languages. In the first part he deals seriatim with the personal pronouns in their 
absolute, conjunctive, and objective forms, giving examples of the use of the words, 
and their structure as compared with Melanesian and Indonesian forms. In this the 
analysis of some of the words found in vocabularies is very well done. Two errors 
may be noted. The Gilbert Island pronoun of first person plural, flairOy is said not 
to be found in the New Testament translation, but it occurs in John viii, 33, and 
ix, 28, 40, and other places. The Yap pronoun of first person given from Kubary 
as gemocj plural " we," is really dual, the true plurals being gadad, inclusive, and 
gomadj exclusive, corresponding with the second person plural gumed^ given by Kubary 
as gemett. In the second part of the paper the possessive pronouns are discussed. 
Those directly suffixed to nouns are distinguished from those compounded with another 
word and used as separate words. Herr Thalheimer finds that the pronoun in these 
languages is directly suffixed to seven classes of nouns, viz. : — (1) Names of parts of 
the body and mental attitudes of men (head, hand, will, mercy, &c.) ; (2) Names of 
relationships (father, mother, child, &c.) ; (3) Names of positions in space or time 
(before, behind, over, &c.) ; (4) The word " name " ; (5) Parts of homogeneous things 
(leaf, flower, fruit, length, reward, &c.) ; (6) Personal ornaments and implements 
(girdle, necklace, digging-stick, house, bed, &c.) ; (7) Possessive nouns (mine, thine, 
my food, &c.). 

Herr Thalheimer classifies the compound possessive prounouns, formed by a noun 
and suffixed pronoun under four heads : — (1) Close possession ; (2) Pronomina ediva, of 
things to eat ; (3) Pronomina potativa, of things to drink ; (4) Pronomina adessiva, of 
things to be approached. The last is found only in Kusaie. In this section the author, 
owing to lack of material, has not dealt with all the forms of compound possessive 
words, which in Micronesia as in Melanesia, are more numerous in some languages 
than others, e.^., Kusaie has forms for boats, animals, and things for lying on. 

The possessive pronouns in Yap, Pelau, and Chamoro are separately discussed, the 
Pelau and Chamoro being shown to follow the Indonesian rather than the Melanesian 
construction. The author also briefly discusses similar methods of expressing the 
possessive relation in languages other than the Oceanic. Herr Thalheimer^s conclusions, 
based on his investigations of these grammatical forms, are that the Micronesian 
languages fall into two groups. The first includes all the languages except those 
of Pelau and Chomoro, and has the following characteristics : — 

1. A division of nouns into two principal classes : one directly suffixing the 

possessive, the other not doing so. 

2. Want of a nominal passive form, as e,g,y the giving to thee, thy gift. 

3. No trial used as plural. 

The characteristics of the second group, to which Pelau and Chamoro alone 
belong, are : — 

1. The affixing of the possessive suffix to all nouns. 

2. The suffixing of a shortened personal pronoun to the verb. 

3. A nominal passive form made by adding the possessive suffix to the verb. 
As these characteristics apply to the Melanesian and Indonesian languages 

respectively, it follows that the Micronesian languages take their places in these 
groups. Dealing with the several peculiarities of the Micronesian languages, Herr 
Thalheimer finally classes them as follows : — 

Oceanic : — Indonesian. — Philippine : (a) Pelau ; (h) Chamoro. 

Melanesian, — 1 (a) Kusaie, (h) Yap ; 2. Gilbert ; 3. Marshall ; 
4 (a) Ponape, \b) Bunay ; 5 (a) Merir (Tobi), (6) Uluthi, (c) Uleai, 
{d) Satawal ; 6 (a) Mortlock, (6) Ruk. 
[ 154 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No8. 85-87. 

In his final paragraph the author expresses the hope that the languages of the 
German colonies in the South Seas may be discussed before it is too late. He refers 
to the monumental work of " prosaisch-niichtemen " England in the " Linguistic 
Survey of India," and thinks that such a work should be equally possible for the 
*'Volk der Dichter und Denker." Surely for England itself a "Linguistic Survey 
of the Colonies" is equally desirable, and in many ways more possible. 


India. Hoernle. 

Studies in the Medicine of Ancient India, Part /. — Osteology. By Dr. A. 110 
F. Rudolf Hoernle, CLE. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1907. Pp. xii + 252. OD 
23 X 4 cm. Price 10*. 6d. 

Dr. Hoernle, the well-known Sanskrit scholar, who has thrown light into many 
obscure corners of Indian antiquity, has in this work turned his attention to the 
medical systems of ancient India, the rise of which cannot be dated later than 600 B.C. 
The first part of his work (now published) deals with osteology, and Dr. Hoernle 
succeeds in proving that the schools of Charaka and Susruta possessed a full and 
accurate knowledge of the bones of the human body. The connection, if any, between 
these schools and those of the Greeks remains to bo investigated, and Dr. Hoernle^s 
work is the necessary preliminary to any accurate comparative study. The work is 
highly technical, and demands a combination of anatomical knowledge with Sanskrit 
scholarship, which must necessarily be extremely rare. Dr. Hoernle's task has been 
rendered more difficult by the corruptions which his authorities have undergone 
during the long ages of Brahman ical influence, when all contact with corpses was 
held abominable, and accurate knowledge became impossible. The work has been 
thoroughly done, and will be of the greatest value to students. 


Britisli Assooiatioii. Anthropology. 

Anthropology at the British Association^ Dublin Meeting^ September 3-9, JIT( 
1908. Of 

The Anthropological Section of the British Association met this year at the Royal 
College of Physicians, Kildare Street, Dublin. The address of the President, Professor 
Ridgeway, dealt with the bearing of Zoological Laws on the study of Man and will 
be found in full in Nature (September 24, 1908), and in the Report of the British 
Association. In the report which follows the papers are arranged under subjects and 
the final destination of each paper, so far as it is known at present, is indicated 
in square brackets. 

Physical Anthropology. 
Professor J. Symington, M.D., F.R.S. — On Certain Changes in the Lateral 
Wall of the Cranium due to Muscular Development, — The following are the results 
of a series of observations upon the relation of the temporal muscle to the skull and 
brain from birth until adult life. It was found that the muscle was small at birth 
compared with the brain-case, and consequently the temporal ridge was low at this 
period of life, only just reaching on to the parietal bone. After birth the muscle grows 
more rapidly than the lateral area of the skull, and gradually extends upwards upon it, 
so that the temporal ridge reaches a much higher level than in the infant. This 
extension of the muscular attachment proceeds gradually, and is probably not completed 
until adult life. The growth of the temporal muscle is associated with that of the 
jaws and teeth, and is independent of brain growth. At birth the area occupied by 

[ 165 ] 

No. 87.] MAN. [1908. 

the temporal muscle was distinctly below the whole of the corpus callosum, and did not 
reach backwards to the level of its posterior border ; whereas in the adult the corpus 
callosum was entirely within the temporal region. During the period between infancy 
and adult life the height of the corpus callosum maintained a fairly constant relation 
to that of the cranium, and the rates of growth of these two structures closely 
corresponded with each other. 

Professor A. Francis Dixon. — The Significance of the so-called Accessory 
Dental Masses sometimes found in the Upper Jawbones. — An examination of a group 
of young Ibo skulls from West Africa leads to the belief that the small " accessory 
" dental masses,^* which may occur in the maxilla between the second premolar and 
the first molar, have not the important morphological significance sometimes attributed 
to them. It has been suggested that these rudiments, which are fairly common in 
negro skulls, represent aborted or vestigial premolars corresponding to the third 
premolars of platyrhine apes. The Ibo skulls examined do not bear out this interesting 
suggestion, for in them the rudiments can be seen to arise as unabsorbed portions of 
the second milk molar. The origin of the rudiments explains their rather variable 
microscopic structure and the absence, or relatively small amount, of enamel usually 
present. The question as to why fragments of the second milk molars should be 
relatively so frequently retained in certain races is one of considerable interest. 

Professor G. Elliot Smith, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. — Anthropological Work in 
Egypt. — The earliest known human remains found in the Nile Valley, when compared 
with those of later times, demonstrate the fact that in predynastic times Egypt and 
Nubia were inhabited by one and the same race, which has persisted in Egypt with 
little or no change in physical characteristics throughout the intervening 6,000 years 
until the present day. On the whole they share the characteristics which distinguish 
the majority of the peoples fringing the Mediterranean. 

The physical characters of the population are remarkably uniform ; they exhibit 
a range of variation, which is not appreciably greater than that of the present races 
known to us, though, of course, it is easy to select the extremes of these variations 
and call them " coarse " and '' fine " types or " negroid " and " non-negroid " strains. 

As we should expect, there is some slight evidence of an infusion of black blood, 
but this is very small in amount, and its effects very much slighter and less widely 
difiTused than is commonly supposed to be the case. The negro influence is least 
marked, if indeed it is not a negligible factor, in the earliest predynastic times ; but it 
becomes more and more pronounced in later, and especially so in modem, times. 

From the time of the earliest Egyptian dynasties a noteworthy change occurs in 
the physical characteristics of the people of Nubia, and, though in a very much slighter 
degree, in Lower Egypt. The inroad of negroes from the South leads to the trans- 
formation of the Nubian population into a hybrid race. And there is some evidence to 
show that even at the time of the Pyramid builders there was some influx of an alien 
race from the Levant, which intermingled with the predominant Egyptian population 
of the Delta. 

Three thousand years later a much greater immigration of people presenting the 
same alien characteristics poured into Egypt and Nubia. From this time onwards these 
foreign immigrants came to Egypt in a constant stream. 

Report of the Committee to condtict Anthropometric Investigation in the British 
Isles. — This may be considered as the final report of the Committee. The reports 
which have been already issued were reprinted, and included instructions for measuring 
and specimen schedules. 

Report of the Committee to conduct Archceological and Ethnological Researches 
in Crete. — The Conmiittee issued an interim report with an appendix by Mr. C. H. 

[ 156 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 87. 

Hawes on his craniometrical investigations. It is satisfactory to learn that Mr. Hawes 
proposes to revisit the island next year with a view to completing his researches. 

Professor G. Elliot Smith, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. — The Htstory of Mummifica- 
(ion in Egypt, — In predynastic times in Egypt it was the custom to bury the bodies 
of the dead in the sand, roughly wrapped in skins, linen, or matting. As the result 
of the dryness of the soil, and the exclusion of the air by the close adaptation of the 
sand to the body, dessication often occurred before any putrefactive changes set in, and 
the corpse thus became preserved in a permanent form. 

Thus the idea must have naturally presented itself to the Egyptian people, 
perhaps in early dynastic times, to attempt to secure by art the preservation of their 
dead, which was no longer attained naturally, once it became the custom to put the 
body into a coffin or a rock-cut chamber, because the air thus buried with the corpse 
favoured putrefaction. The Egyptians would be encouraged in these attempts, to 
which they no doubt were prompted by their religious beliefs no less than by the 
natural inclination of all mankind to preserve the remains of those dear to them, by 
the help which the properties of their soil and climate afforded them, as well as 
by their knowledge of the properties of the preservative salts, found ready at hand 
in such abundance in Egypt, and of the resins obtained from neighbouring lands, 
with the properties of which they had been familiar even in predynastic times. In this 
way the origin of the idea, the reason for attempting to put it into practice, and the 
means for doing so become intelligible to us. We have no exact data to permit us to 
say exactly when embalming was first attempted in Egypt. Although the earliest 
bodies certainly known to have been embalmed are of the period of the tenth dynasty 
(found at Sakkara by Mr. Quibell), there is some slight evidence to suggest that some 
form of mummification was attempted in the times of the earliest Pyramid builders. 

By the time of the Middle Empire the general technique of the operation had 
attained the stage which in its main features was the conventional procedure for the 
succeeding 2,000 years. But it was in the time of the New Empire that the process of 
mummification reached its highest development. 

Further stages in the evolution of the art of embalming were followed by a rapid 


W. Crooke, B.A. — Rajputs and Mahrattas, — This paper was mainly devoted to 
a consideration of the views recently enunciated by Sir H. Risley on the origin of the 
Rajputs and Mahrattas. 

The former are classed by him, on the evidence of anthropometry, as ^^Indo- 
Aryans.** But historical and other evidence points to the conclusion that, so far from 
being a distinct ethnical unit, the Rajputs form a status group, compounded from varied 
elements. Thus, in the Ganges valley and along the central ranges of hills, many 
Rajputs are promoted from the indigenous, so-called ^' Dra vidian,^' races. This fact is 
familiar to all ethnologists. More important and novel is the evidence from epigraphy 
recently discovered, which shows that many of the Rajputs in the Punjab and Rajputana 
are sprung from Scythian and Hun invaders. These foreigners were a brae hy cephalic 
people, and the failure of craniometry to detect this strain in the present population 
may be due either to insufficient investigation or to the impossibility of classifying 
mixed races on the basis of skull form. 

Next, it was shown that there is no historical justification for the assumed 
Scythian entry into the Deccan and Southern India as far down as Coorg. The 
presence in those regions of a brachycephalic strain, whatever may be its origin, 
cannot be due to a Scythian or Hun invasion. 

The Mahrattas, again, do not constitute a stable ethnical unit. They are a status 

[ 157 ] 

No. 87.] MAN. [1908. 

group, the basis being the " Dravidian " or indigenous Kunbi tribe. The higher classeb, 
owing to their rise in social importance, have asserted and obtained the right of 
connubium with the Rajputs. 

It was suggested that the influence of environment and sexual selection has been 
to some extent overlooked in recent discussions on the ethnology of India, and that 
these causes may possibly explain the uniformity which characterises the physical 
character of the people of the Punjab. 

E. Sidney Hartland. — On a Collection of Dinka Laws and Customs, — Collected 
by Captain H. D. E. O'Sullivan. [Journ, Roy. Anthr, Inst.'] 

C. G. Seligmann, M.D. — The Veddas. — The Veddas may most conveniently be 
considered under three headings, Veddas, Village Veddas, and Coast Veddas, for it 
seems that at the present day the Veddas fall into three groups characterised by 
different sociological features. The coast Veddas fish and have borrowed largely from 
their Tamil neighbours, while the village Veddas have, to a considerable extent, 
intermarried with the Sinhalese. But in spite of these lapses both groups retain the 
remains of their old clan organisation in the majority of their settlements, showing 
their connection with those less contaminated and wilder folk who have commonly been 
spoken of as '* rock " or " jungle " Veddas. On the psychical side, the life of all 
Veddas is unusually limited in every aspect except one, namely, their regard for the 
dead, and even this regard, which attains the intensity of a cult, has given rise to no 
decorative art ; indeed, a number of crude drawings, for the most part of animals and 
men, executed on the walls of certain caves, were the only examples of decorative art 
seen, and personal adornment is at the lowest ebb. But although this cult has produced 
no pictorial or plastic art, it has given rise to a series of dances, often pantomimic, 
and so perhaps in the nature of imitative magic, but whether pantomimic or not, 
accompanied, except in certain exceptional circumstances, by offerings of food to the 
spirits of the departed. Though others take part in them, these dances are performed 
especially by men who have been trained to invoke the yaku^ as the spirits of the dead 
are called, and the use of a ceremonial arrow with a blade over a foot long and a short 
handle is an indispensable feature of some of these ceremonies, in all of which the 
" shaman " becomes possessed by one or more of the yaku he invokes. 

Finally, as to language : all Veddas speak Sinhalese or dialect of Sinhalese with 
a predominance of ch sounds which makes Vedda talk sound harsh, and has led to the 
belief that they have a language of their own ; but in addition many Veddas have also 
a small number of words which are not obviously Sinhalese, or are Sinhalese periphrases ; 
these classes of words are specially used in hunting and in addressing the yaku. 

Miss B. Pullen-Burry. — Four Weeks in New Britain, 


J. p. Droop, B.A. — Neolithic Culture in North Greece. — Recent exploration 
of the neolithic culture of Northern Greece has shown that the plain districts of 
Southern Pelasgiotis, Thessaliotis, Phthiotis, Malis, and Phocis were inhabited from 
an early date by three peoples alike in culture, and near akin, but distinguishable by 
the varying style of their painted pottery. 

The stone implements consist of celts (sometimes bored), rubbers, and polishers ; 
while obsidian chips are much more frequent than flint. 

Traces of eight successive settlements show that the period of painted pottery 
gratlually passed, after the fourth settlement, into a period of unpainted polished ware. 

The eighth neolithic settlement is roughly dated to 1300 B.C. by the presence of 
important Mycenean sherds. 

A series of tombs sunk into the remains of this eighth settlement indicates a 
subsequent poor bronze period. Thus, during the development of the ^gtean bronze 

[ 158 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 87. 

culture the north of Greece was still in an Age of Stone, and used bronze only at 
a comparatively late date, and presumably but for a short while before the introduction 
of iron. 

The date at which these neolithic peoples brought in their comparatively high 
culture may be placed in the middle of the third millennium. 

M. Thompson, B.A. — The Excavations of the British School at Athens at the 
Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. — The sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, one of 
the most important centres of Spartan religion, and especially celebrated for the annual 
scourging of the Spartan boys, was discovered in 1906. This year's work gave the 
remains of the primitive temple contemporary with the great archaic altar, and like it 
resting on the cobble pavement. The mass of votive offerings was especially rich in 
its neighboiu-hood. 

The primitive temple has been largely destroyed by the foundations of the later 
temple. The part preserved lies on the south side of the later building, and fairly 
symmetrically with regard to the altar, although the orientation is slightly different. 

The remains were covered with a mass of earth burned red, recognisable as the 
remains -of mud-brick walls destroyed by fire. Beneath this were the foundations of 
the end and part of the side of a rectangular building consisting of a single course 
of undressed stones. At the west end of this building the walls contained some 
vertical slabs in situ^ and there were traces of a small inner cella. Along what was 
probably the central line of the building was a row of irregular stone slabs laid flat 
at intervals of about a yard, and corresponding to these in position were similar slabs 
set in the foundation of the walls. All the slabs seem to have supported wooden 
timbers, those built into the wall serving as a frame for the building, and the others 
forming a row of pillars down the centre. The eastern part was completely destroyed, 
and with it all possibility of recovering the form of the entrance. A fragment of roof- 
tile was found, but clearly later than the building itself. This, however, almost certainly 
had a gable roof, with a row of pillars supporting the roof-tree. It is noticeable that 
the temple at Thermos in ^Etolia, which replaced a similar mud-brick building, had a 
row of pillars down the middle. 

In this primitive building we may see the earliest Dorian style, and the conclusions 
drawn from its remains point to a building essentially identical with that which 
Doespfeld has already reconstructed from the indications afforded by extant monuments 
of the developed Doric style. 

Much progress has also been made in the excavation and study of the votive 
offerings. The suggestion that the so-called Cyrenaic pottery is really Laconian has 
been very fully confirmed by the discovery of Cyrenaic vases, and still more by the 
series of pottery leading up to and degenerating from the fine Cyrenaic style. 

Of the terra-cotta masks which were such a feature of the excavation of 1906 
many more have been found, and they have been proved to belong almost entirely to 
the late sixth and early fifth century, the period immediately following the building 
of the later temple. No ivory dates from the time when its place was taken by bone. 
All the rich series of carved ivories, this year much increased, belongs to the period 
when the primitive building was still standing. 

T. AsHBY, M.A., D.LiTT. — The Four Principal Aqueducts of the City of Rome 
in Classical Times. — Among the aqueducts which supplied the city of Rome the four 
which came from the upper valley of the Anio were the most important — the Anio 
Vetus, the Aqua Marcia, the Aqua Claudia, and the Anio Novus. 

Considerable remains of these conduits still exist. Their course, known fairly well 
as far as the village of Gallicano, in the district between the Sabine and the Alban 
Hills, has hitherto been treated as unknown between Gallicano and the point some 

[ 159 ] 

No. 87.] MAM. [1908. 

seven miles out of Rome, where they emerge for the last time from the ground, and 
run upon arches into Rome. Careful investigation, and especially the search for pieces 
of the calcareous deposit brought down by the water, which was removed from the 
channels when they were cleaned (which must have been frequently necessary), have, 
however, made it possible to determine their course accurately. 

Report of the Committee to conduct Archceological and Ethnological Investiga- 
tions in Sardinia. — Dr. Duncan Mackenzie was able to visit Sardinia last autumn, 
and spent nearly two months in the island. His researches were mainly devoted to 
the study of the relation between the " nuraghi " and the so-called " tombs of the 
giants," the latter consisting of long chambers — sometimes as much as 50 feet long, 
but only 3 or 4 feet broad and high — with a semi-circular area, inclosed by upright 
slabs or by walling in front of them ; and he was able to discover several cases in 
which the ^^ nuraghe " and the tomb seemed to be in such close relation to one another 
(the latter being placed on a mound in the neighbourhood of, and easily visible from, 
the former) as to make it clear that the former was the fortified habitatioo, and the 
latter the family tomb. This was still clearer in several instances where the ^^ nuraghe " 
itself dominated a group of smaller circular buildings, no doubt dwellings under the 
protection of the ^^ nuraghe," and usually inclosed in a ring wall starting from it. 

C. T. CuRRELLY. — A Sequence of Egyptian Stone Implements, — The rough 
early pieces are found in the cemented quaternary gravels of the Thebaid. The 
development of the palaeolith may be seen from the depth of the patina and also the 
scratchings ; fourteen distinct shades of colour may be seen. 

The flint of the Thebaid is of a uniform kind and colour, and except for the 
oldest forms the implements have been lying on the plateau under the same conditions 
for different periods of time. In addition to the depth of colour many pieces are 
reworked and show more than one patination. Several thousand pieces were examined, 
and form and patination were found to go together. Each type of implement has 
definite limits of patination. 

The neolithic implements of the Thebaid show little patination. The Fayum 
neoliths show a considerable amount of patination and also reworking. In these the 
patination is different from the Thebaid ones, as the flint is of a different kind. 

The enormous length of time of the neolithic period is shown by the number of 
totally unpatinated implements that are made by re-working deeply patinated neoliths. 
The forms similar to those obtained from the predynastic tombs show little or no 

Rev. W. a. Adams, B.A. — Some Ancient Stone Implement Sites in South 
Africa. — The sites examined were five in number : — 

1. The hill-slope near the coast at Bosman's Crossing, Stellenbosch, yielding rudely 
chipped picks and other implements of the palaeolithic type, embedded in clay. 

2. The Karoo, near Kimberley. From this were collected weather-worn specimens, 
showing the transition from the older form of palseolithic implement to. the neolithic axe. 

3. The Vaal River terraces, near Kimberley. There is an extensive stone imple- 
ment side at Pniel, where the process of manufacture can be clearly traced. Higher up 
the banks " pygmy " implements were also discovered. 

4. The uplands of Rhodesia, near Bulawayo. Roughly chipped disc-like scrapers 
were procured, and well-made " pygmies." 

5. The headlands at the Victoria Falls. Palseolithic implements were here 
collected, some of them of chalcedony, of large size and highly glazed. A few flakes 
are water- worn. 

[A report of the other papers read before the section will appear in a subsequent 
number of Man.] 

Printed by Bybs and Spottiswoodb, Ltd., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, R.C. 

Pl,At» U 

UaH* I9<i9« 


19080 MAN. [No. 88. 


Australia. With Plate L. Roth. 

Australian Oanoes and Rafts. By W. E. Roth, M.R.C.S., Local All 
Correspondent of the Royal Anthropological Institute. UU 

Canoes are of two classes, according as thej are made from bark or dug out from a 
tree-trunk. On Plate L, Figs. 1 and 2, are shown two such bark canoes, the one from the 
Gulf Coast (Fig. 1), the other from the East Coast (Fig. 2). The former is made 
of a single bark sheet, folded in its length, and sewn with cane at the extremities ; the 
sides are kept apart by a very primitive form of stretcher, too much stretching being 
limited bj intermediate ties. A large conch shell, &c. is used as a bailer when the 
water splashes in, an event which is of very frequent occurrence, considering that these 
frail craft may be observed skimming along in practically all weathers. Should the 
canoe turn turtle, the savages are so expert in their use that they can scramble in again 
after bailing, notwithstanding that a rough wind may be blowing. The paddle used is 
a mangrove stock, the naturally flattened butt of which does duty for a blade. On the 
East Coast the bark canoes are on the whole smaller, and can be built of one, rarely of 
two, sometimes of three, separate sheets carefully sewn and caulked ; this latter is 
effected by means of the " paper-tree " bark, which markedly swells when wetted. In 
the neighbourhood of the Tully River the paddles are small square pieces of wood, 
or bark, materials which are said to have replaced the two large pearl-shells which 
were employed before the days of European settlement. The author has watched 
the whole process of manufacture of these craft, which requires a couple of days for 

" Dug-out " canoes are found on the extreme north of Cape York Peninsula and 
thence down the eastern coast-line to about the neighbourhood of Hinchinbrooke Island, 
one of the many beauty-spots of Northern Queensland. There is little doubt that these 
" dug-outs " are of Papuan origin, a development of the wonderful vessels described in 
New Guinea. Indeed, certainly up to four years ago, the hulls were traded along three 
•different routes from the Commonwealth's most northerly possession to various islands 
of the Torres Strait, whence some of them came into Queensland. In the author's 
experience, the original trade price to the island middle-man was six pounds of tobacco 
and a tomahawk. This does not, however, imply that the Queensland savages cannot 
make "dug-outs" for themselves, but a long time and considerable patience is required 
for burning and chipping one out. The prow is usually more or less flattened to 
enable the flsherman to stand here and throw his harpoon at the turtle or fish that 
he may be after. In the more northern latitudes each " dug-oul " is provided with 
two out-riggers or floats (Plate L, Fig. 3) — the New Guinea pattern — but further 
south there is only one (Plate L, Fig. 4). With fine weather and strong paddles, 
these craft, though heavy and cumbersome, can travel 15 to 20 miles a day in the 
open sea. 

The kind of raft found on the Wellesley Group of islands in the Gulf of Carpentarin 
is shown in Plate L, Fig. 5. It is formed of numerous logs of " white mangrove " 
tied together at the butts as well as at the extremities, with the result that it is 
much narrower forward than at the stern. On top is placed some sea-weed, a sort 
of cushion for the voyager to sit upon. With such frail craft the savages will not only 
visit island and island, but even cross over to the mainland, usually on the one course, 
making for a spot somewhere in the vicinity of Point Parker. As might be expected, a 
raft like this, in spite of the paildle that directs it, will occasionally be carried out to sea 
by a sudden gale, when the traveller may be picked up by passing steamers ; but these 
Are few and far between up here. The author knows of three such cases where the 
venturesome native has been rescued, but, unable to render himself intelligible as to 

[ 161 ] 

Hos. 88-89.] MAN. [1908. 

which of the many ii^Iands, or group of islands, was his home, has had to bow to the 
ineTitahle and become a landsman without kith or kin. In one of these three cases it 
was reported that a woald-be extra-intelligent policeman, being determined upon dis- 
coTering whence the surviTor had origioaiij come, showed the savage an atlas-map of 
the Gulf of Carpentaria, and could not understand why the latter was unable to point to 
his place of origin. 

Log-rafts are also met along the eastern coast-line, on the Mulgrave, Russell, 
Barron, Tully, and other rivers, and are usually punted along with a pole. They are 
made of from three to five or six odd lengths of light timbers tied together near their 
ends with native rope. Three trunk-stems of the wild banana will support any ordinary 
savage. According to whether the structure is intended for temporary or permanent 
use, so it is the less or more carefully trimmed and strung together ; in the latter 
case a fire may be often observed carried on a layer of clay. Such a raft is used 
for comparatively short distances, and is very different from the variety found in the 
Gulf of Carpentaria. The illustration (Plate L, Fig. 6) was taken on the Tully 
River ; the ^^ white ^^ on the individuaFs head and face is really the remnants of the 
white cockatoo feather-down stuck on for the sake of ornament at certain of the 
native ceremonies, one of which he had just come from attending. W. E. ROTH. 

New Qulnea : Totemlsm. Sellgrmann. 

Note on Totemlsm In New Qulnea, with reference to **Man," flQ 

190a, 76 and 84. By C. G, Seligmann, M.D. Ou 

The interest attaching to Dr. Rivers' note on " Totemism in Fiji " (Man, 1908, 
75), and to Father W. Schmidt's comment (Man, 1908, 84) upon this, leads me to 
draw attention on the similarity of the Fiji totemism discussed by these two authorities 
and that prevailing in south-eastern British New Guinea. Both are characterised by 
the possession by each unit, whether this bo a clan (B.N.G.), a tribe or division of 
a tribe (Fiji), of a scries of totems belonging partially or entirely to different groups 
of living things ; that is to say, by a system of " linked totems," using the term by which 
I speak of this form of totemism in the forthcoming reports of the Daniels Expedition 
to British New Guinea. It must, of course, be remembered that the Fijians have 
advanced further than the inhabitants of British New Guinea, as is shown by the 
existence of gods among the former ; but when allowance is made for this, the 
resemblance of the two systems of linked totems is very striking. 

Thus in Fiji the totems of the Wailevu division of the Nadrau people are a bird 
(jquiliyago\ the dog, and a fish called dabea. Further, the Nadrau people are not 
allowed to eat yams for two months in the year (Rivers), or, more generally, such 
" secondary totems " are cooked with certain marks of respect (de Marzan). 

In south-eastern New Guinea the typical arrangement of totems is for each clan to 
have a bird, fish, snake, and plant totem. This condition prevails in Milne Bay ; the 
bird totem is nearly always the most important ; sometimes two birds are linked 
together as of, roughly, equal importance ; as in the case of one of the Wagawaga 
(Milne Bay) clans, which has two practically equally important bird totems, Siai 
{Paradisea raggiana) and a small bird called Kulokulo, In Tubetube, an island of 
the Engineer group, plant totems are absent, except possibly in the case of one immigrant 
clan. In the Trobriand group the snake may be said no longer to exist as a totem, 
and the fish totem is of less importance than in Milne Bay. But here each main bird 
totem has linked with it a four-footed vertebrate — pig, dog, crocodile, or " iguana.'* 

On the mainland at Bar tie Bay, opposite the d'Eutrecasteaux group, almost all 
possible variations occur in the linked totems of the three neighbouring communities 
of Wamira, Wedau, and Gelaria, the most striking features being the loss of the plant 

[ 162 ] 



[No. 89. 

totem aud the great importance attached to the snake totem. I have tabulated some 
of the variations of the linked totems in south-eastern British New Guinea, as this 
is by far the easiest method of representing the facts under discussion and have at 
the end placed two Fijian examples for comparison. The importance of each of the 
totems in the New Guinea groups of linked totems is indicated by a numeral in 
brackets, and for the sake of simplicity no mention has been made of the name of 
the clan to which each group of linked totems belongs. 







Milne Bay 


Blnl of Pai-adise 
(1) and Kulo^ 
kulo (1). 


Kurau (2) - 


Modau (4). 



Fishhawk (1) - 


Warumu (2) 

Oahadi (3) - 




Fishhawk (1) - 

Dog (2) - 



Mehu (3). 

Wamira (B.N.G.) 

Weffail) - 


Samagara (2) • 



>> M 

Fowl (1) and blue 
pigeon (2). 



Irihiei (1) (a 



Cassowary (1) and 
Beulo (2). 


Bouri Q 3) 
Moga (J 3). 

Gahadi (1) (a 


Wedau (B.N.G.) 

Fishhawk (1), 
hawk (2), and 
fowl (2). 


Shark (1) - 

Naioari (3) - 


M !» 

Sea - gull (1), 
quail (2), and 
korekore (2). 

" Iguana" (1) 


Xawari (1) 


Gelaria (B.N.G.) 

Hornbill (2) 

Pig (3) 


Oaruhoi (a con- 
strictor) (I). 

Fiji, Wailevu 

Quiliyago - 

Dog - - 

Dabea - 



Wainimala (de 

Parrot - 

Vokai - 



VasUi (a. 

I could obtain no account of the origin of the New Guinea linked totems at 
Milne Bay or Tubetube, but on the Marshall Bennet Islands close to the Trobriands 
each clan traced its totems to a hole in the ground from which emerged the ancestors 
of the clan bearing with them their animal totems while their plant totems grew near 
the place of their emergence into the upper world. At Gelaria, in the hills behind 
Bartle Bay, Garuboi is the snake totem of the clan, which I believe to be the most 
important of the conmiunity. To the south-west of Gelaria there stands a double- 
peaked mountain whose peaks are called Viara and Gaova. On Viara was born the 
snake Garuboi, who " made us, the beasts, earth, and we know not what other things," 
and it was he who long ago separated mankind into clans (Jbanaga) and named 
them. Here, then, the totem has taken upon itself certain godlike attributes without 
ceasing to be one, although the most important, of a series of linked totems. 


[ 163 ] 

No. 90,] 



Solomon Islands. Edge-Partlngton. 

stone-headed Clubs from Mataitat Solomoit Islands* Bff J. Qfl 

Mdrfe-PttTlimfton. 9 U 

Baron von Iliij^ers note in Man (1908, 16) on the stone-ljeailed ulubt^ of MahiiTii 
has opened iijj «ino of the nio>it interesting suhjeets connected with the history of the 
SoUiniofi li^Iiindti, Biiron von ITii^rel is in error^ I think, in !*n|]poi*ing that the two 
elubs ije ilhit^rrates come from different itiUnds, si^d also tinit this form of ehtb was used 
only by persons of mnk, or that they were made in small numbers ; nor do I consider 
that they were survivals of nn earlier type. In order to jyrive my reason for tliinklng »o 

it will be necessary to recapitulate what 
hat* already been published on this subject. 
To Lord Amherst of Hackney and Mr» 
Basil Thomson we owe a debt of |jratitnde 
for tlieir hibonrs in translating the various 
Spanish manuscripts which form the subject 
matter of their work entitled The Dix- 
rorcn/ of the Solomon Xshituh />;/ Alvaro 
dt' Mvndafin in 1568, jiublisbed by the 
Hakluyt Society in 1901. From this we 
learn that to these clubs the islaiitla them- 
selves owe their name, as the editors point 
ont in their introduction that '** doubtless 
'' these stone clubs were partly responsible 
** for the wild stories of gold in the 
** islands that were current in Peru for 
** many years afterwards, if not for the 
*' snjjgestive name of * Islas de Salomon * 
** itself,'' to the end, as Guppy {The 
sSohmofi Islands^ p. 247) puts it, that ** the 
'* Spaniards supposing them to be the 
" islands whence Solomon obtained his 
** gold for the temple at Jerusalem, might 
^'^ be induced to go and inhabit ihera, 
'* Tlius the uame of the new discovery 
" was itself a pious fraud/* 

In spite of the fact that these clubs 
are now extremely rare, a fact borne out 
by Guppy, who remarks (p. 74) that no 
weapons of the character of maces came 
under his observation, yet they must at one 
time have been extremely common in the 
island of Malaita, and not confined only to 
persons of rank as suggc'ted by Baixiti 
von Hugel, for, to quote again from the 
Hakluyt volume *' roost of the iuhahiiaiits scorned to have been armed with cluba, 
** with stone heads covered with plaited grass." One of those bid been seen at 
the east end of the Guadalcanar, and the fact that they are mentioned in most 
of the manuscripts testifies to the profound impression that thoy made upon the 
Spaniards, who judged them from their weight to be of gold. The soldiers carried 
on a brisk trade by bartering caps for them, until delected by Henriquez, who, 
to check them, dispelled the pleasant fallacy by hammering two of them together 
untU they broke, though the metallic appearance of the fracture seems to have 

( 164 ] 

Fig. 1. 



[Nos. 90-91. 

left some of the Spaniards unconvinced. On p. 45 (Gallego's narrative), "We 
" found in this island (Malayta) knobs of the size of oranges of a metal that appeared 
" to be gold, below which metal was pearl shell. They have them fixed upon a stick 
" to fight with when they come to close quarters ; most of them carry them." 

Then on p. 182 (Mendana^s narrative), *' We found in these islands some clubs, 
" seemingly of metal covered with woven palm ; they are very heavy and are used in 
" warfare." In a footnote the editors say that the stone is of a very hard and heavy 
volcanic formation, contaiuing specks of pyrites, which in the inflamed imagination of 
Gallego and his companions " became gold." Mr. Woodford furnishes the following : — 
" That in this part of Malaita and nowhere else in the Solomons, except Rennell Island, 
*' are made small baton-like clubs about 18 inches long, which are said to be used for 
" giving the coup-de-grace to wounded prisoners." In the Brisbane Museum there is a 
star-shaped stone-headed club labelled as coming from Rennell 
Island (The Ethnographical Album, IIL^ plate 34, No. 7). I think, 
however, that before this can be accepted as a true locality further 
evidence is necessary. Mr. Woodford has informed me that '* the 
part of MalaitA " where the clubs are made is the neighboiirlKKjil 
of Royalist Harbour. 

The clubs which I figure (Nos. 1 and 2) are now in my 
collection, and come from the same source as those in the Civm- 
bridge Museum, and in each case Nos. 1 have been nlready 
published on the plate facing p. xl in the Hakluyt volume referred 
to. I also illustrate the British Museum specimen quoted 
by Baron von Hugel. Amongst my papers I have a 
record of a further specimen, but do not know in whose 
possession it is : it differs from any of the others in 
having a bifurcated handle. Both in this specimen and in 
two of those figured in The Ethnographical Alburn^ IIl.^ 
plate 34, there is a cord attached to, or near to, the 
business end. This is evidently not a wrist cord in the 
ordinary sense, but a loop for passing over the arm in 
order to leave the hand free for other weapons, either 
of offence or defence. Of the specimens figured in the 
album. Fig. 1 is in the Macleay Museum of Sydney University ; 
Fig. 2 was, when I drew it, in the possession of the Rev, George 
Brown, of Sydney ; and Fig. 3 is in the Australian Museum, 

The Rev. Walter Ivens, of the Melanesian Mission, resident in 
Ulawa, gives me the following as the native name of these clubs : — 
fVare-i'hau or fVare-ni-hau (Hau = stone — i, or ni, the genitive). 


Solomon Islands. 


Note on Stone-headed Olubs ftom Malaita, Solomon Islands- Ql 

By C. M. Woodford^ Local Correspondent of the Royal Anthropological ul 

With reference to the Article No. 16 by Baron Anatole von Hiigel, which appeared 
in Man for March, 1908, upon the subject of the so-called chiefs maces from the 
Solomon Islands, the Baron appears to have overlooked the description and illustration 
of these clubs given in The Discovery of the Solomon Islands (London : Hakluyt 
Society, 1901). 

[ 165 ] 

Nob. 91-92.] MAN. [1908. 

The onlj place of origin ot these baton-shaped clubs is well known to be the south 
coast of the Island of Malaita, near the entrance of the Maramisiki Passage ; in fact the 
very locality where they were observed by the Spaniards more than 300 years ago. I 
regret to say that they are now being manufactured for sale to tourists and curiosity 
hunters. The stone heads of these clubs or maces are generally formed of a ball of 
pyrites, which occurs plentifully in nodular form in parts of the Island of Malaita. It 
was the glittering appearance of the pyrites in the heads of the clubs which led the 
Spaniards to suppose that they contained gold. 

From enquiries on the spot I have ascertained that they are known as '* Haukari." 
The name of the nodular stone head being "hau," and of the ornamented handle 
" lariau." Their use is said to be in connection with dances, but a superstitious value is 
also attached to them, and they are supposed to give power to the bearer when carried 
in war. They are carried suspended round the neck, the head uppermost and the staff 
depending down the centre of the back. A string, fastened just below the head of the 
club with a loop at one end and a toggle-shaped button of pearl shell at the other, is 
used to carry them in this position. I gave a genuine specimen some years ago to 
Lord Amherst of Hackney with such a string and toggle attached. 

Mr. Basil Thomson, the editor, with Lord Amherst, of the work above quoted, 
supposed these clubs to have some connection with the stone-headed clubs from New 
Ireland, and introduces an illustration (Joe. cit,^ p. 182) in support of his supposition, 
which, on the contrary, conclusively shows that they have not the remotest connection 
with one another. Equally unfounded is his supposition that they have any connection 
with the stone-headed baton clubs from Rennell and Bellona Islands (Joe. eit.^ p. xl., 
note). They are of a totally different typo. The inhabitants of these two islands are 
.pure Polynesians and have no connection whatever with the Melanesian inhabitants of 
the Solomon group. 

Of these Rennell and Bellona clubs I only know of the existence of three specimens. 
One of these is, I believe, figured in Edge-Parti ngton's Alburn^ and is, I think, in the 
museum at Christchurch, New Zealand ; another is at the Church House, Westminster ; 
and a third is at present in private hands, but may eventually come into my possession, 
in which case it is destined for the British Museum. 


England : Aroliaeologry. Sturgre. 

The Polished Axe found by Oanon Qreenweil In a Flint Pit at QQ 
Qrlme's Graves. By W. Allen Sturge. U4 

It recently came to my knowledge that a section of prehistoric archajologists had 
arrived at the conclusion that the polished axe found in one of the galleries of the pit 
at Grime's Graves explored by Canon Green well, F.R.S., in the year 1870* was a 
forgery ; or, if a genuine axe, that it had been placed in the position in which it was 
found by one of the workmen engaged in the excavations. Upon this alleged fact 
it has been sought to base a theory that prehistoric flint pits like those at Grime's 
Graves, Cissbury, and elsewhere, belong to a very early period of the neolithic 
civilisation ; or that they may oven date from pro-neolithic times. The presence of a 
fine polished axe in the only pit at Grime's Graves hitherto explored would put an 
<jnd to any such possibility, and as the theory has recently been published in an 
iiiitiquarian periodical, together with a definite statement that the axe had been 
surreptitiously introduced into the workings by modern workmen, it seemed worth while 
to investigate the matter as fully as was possible after so long a lapse of years. I 
therefore entered into correspondence with such of the prehistoric archaeologists as 

* Joutn. Ethru)!. iSov., N.S., Vol. II.. p. 419. 
[ 166 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 92. 

I knew to have accepted t^'is statement, with a view to ascertaining the grounds on 
which the idea of mala fides on the part of the workman was founded. Without going 
into details I may say that I found that there was not one tittle of evidence in its 
favour. It turned out that the whole matter entered into the category of the old story 
of the " Three Black Crows." The origin was finally traced back to an expression of 
opinion on purely esoteric grounds that the axe ought not to have been found there. 
After the usual fashion this expression of opinion, having passed from mouth to mouth 
a certain number of times, had crystallised into the definite statement that the axe had 
been placed where it was found by a workman who had since confessed his misdeed. 
Happily we still have Canon Greenwell with us, and the next thing was to 
apply to him for his account of the find. He kindly sent me the following statement : — 
I had never heard until I learned it from your letter that any doubt had been cast 
on the finding of the stone axe in the gallery of the pit at Grime's Graves. As it is 
desirable that such a report should be shown to be without the slightest foundation, 
I may as well tell you the true story of its discovery. As you are aware, the 
greater part of the excavation of the chalk in the pit and the galleries connected 
with it was made by a pick fashioned out of the antler of a red deer, of which 
1 found seventy-two in the filling-in of the pit and its galleries, the only one I 
opened of the large number existing at this place. I may explain that when one 
pit or gallery had been cleared out and the stratum of flint removed, it was filled in 
with the chalk excavated in making another pit or gallery. The sides of these 
workings were covered with the marks made by the point of the picks, and nothing 
was seen except these pick marks until the filling-in had been removed about 
half-way along one of the galleries. 1 then saw among the pick marks a clean 
cut, and I immediately said, * They are using a stone axe.' As the work went on 
I observed that the cut became less sharp, when I said, ^ The axe is becoming blunt,' 
and shortly after, seeing that the cut had become a little shorter at one end, I told 
the workman that a piece had been broken off the edge of the axe. A day or 
two afterwards one of the workmen came up from below to where I was sitting 
with some visitors at luncheon, and said to me, ' We've found him.' Said I, 
' Found him ; who have you found ? ' To which he replied, ' Grime.' I had 
chaffed the men, telling them that some day when they were at work Grime would 
make his appearance and polish them off. I at once went down the ladder to the 
bottom of the pit, and along the gallery up to the face of the filling-in they were 
removing. ' Where is Grime ? ' said I, thinking they had found a skeleton. ' There,' 
was the reply, pointing to a place about half-way up the face. On looking I saw 
through the broken chalk a dark-looking object, the nature of which was not 
apparent, but I saw at once that my hope of getting a skeleton was not to be 
fulfilled, as it was evidently not bone, which would have been cream-coloured. 
I then had the intervening broken chalk removed, when to my great delight a 
ground axe of basalt or some similar rock made its appearance, and on examining 
it 1 found it was the identical axe with which the marks had been made, with a 
blunted cutting edge, and with a small piece broken off one corner. It fitted 
exactly into the marks on the gallery sides, and was without the slightest doubt 
the tool with which some of the work of excavation had been done. It is now 
in the British Museum with the other things I found in the pit I opened. I daresay 
if you visited the place (I believe the pit and galleries are still open) you might 
find the cuts made by the axe still remaining. I think this will set at rest the 
story that it was made by one of my workmen, who pretended he had found it 
among the chalk in the pit." 

By a somewhat fortuitous circumstance and a propos of a wholly different matter, 
I recently had an interview with the son of the principal workman engaged in opening 

[ 167 ] 

Nos. 92-93.] 



the pit at Grime's Graves for Canon Greenwell, nearly forty years ago. In the 
course of conversation the man spoke with pride of the fact that his father had worked 
for Canon Greenwell. I showed him some of the red deer antlers which had been 
used as picks in excavating the pits. "Yes," he said, "but that wasn't all, for they 
" found a granite battle axe that had been used also for excavatiog." Upon this I 
carefully questioned him, and it was perfectly evident that no such idea had ever 
crossed his mind as that the axe was not genuine, both in make and position. Finally 
I put it point blank to him whether he had ever heard that the axe had been introduced 
surreptitiously by any of the workmen. He expressed the greatest surprise, and said 
such a thing was quite impossible. He had heard the whole story of its being found 
over and over again from his father, and there never had been the slightest doubt 
thrown upon it. 

Finally, by the courtesy of Mr. C. H. Read, I have had the advantage of 
inspecting the axe itself. It is exactly as described by Canon Greenwell. There 
can be no possible question of the authenticity of the axe, nor of the contemporaneity 
of the breaks of the edge with the general surface of the implement. 


England: Arohseology. Dutt. 

New Paifleoiithic Site in the Waveney Valley. (Cf. Man, 1908, 19.) Q) 

By W. A. Dutt, f^9 

A few months ago I drew attention to the discovery of a new palaeolithic locality 

in the Waveney Valley, and there appeared in Man, 1908, 19, a drawing of a small 

flint implement which had been found on the new 
site. In my not« on this discovery I mentioned 
that although two careful students of stone imple- 
ments agreed with me that the implement was 
undoubtedly palaeolithic, the late Sir John Evans 
was disinclined to accept it as such, because 
in his opinion '* its workmanship was not in 
" accordance with that of the implements of that 
" age." 

Feeling that while so great an authority had 
his doubts in the matter the evidence of a single 
implement from the now locality could not be 
considered conclusive, I paid two or three visits 
to Bungay, where the gravel pit is situated, and 
in Juno of this year I was fortunate enough to 
obtain from it the well-worked implement, of which 
I enclose a drawing. Like the specimen first 
discovered, it is made of an artificially detached 
outer flake of flint, and a small portion of the 
crust of the flint remains on one side of it ; but it diflers from the first specimen in 
being oval in shape instead of pointed. 

The drawing gives a very good idea of the character of the flake-work of the 
implement, which, although the crust is gravel-stained, appears to have received 
a partial white weathering of its facets on the figured side before it became embedded 
in the gravel. Dr. W. Allen Sturge agrees with me that it is undoubtedly palieolithic ; 
so I think it may be considered definitely settled that the Bungay gravel pit is a 
new palflDolithic site. As the pit is not used now, in consequence, I understand, of 
its proximity to a golf green, it is not very likely that many other implements will 
be obtained from it ; so the question whether the pointed or the oval be the pre* 

[ 168 ] 



1908.] MAN. [Nos. 93-94. 

(lomiDant type of implcineut represented there will probably remain undecided. It is 
interesting to note, however, that neither of the implements which have been found 
there bears any resemblance to the much larger and well-marked types characteristic 
of the only other known palieolithic locality in the upper part of the Waveney Valley^ 
the classic locality of Hoxne. W. A. DUTT. 

India: Assam. Lyall. 

The Mikirs. By Sir C. Lyall. London : Nutt, 1908. Pp. xvii -f 183. Qi 
22 X 14 cm. Price 7*. 6rf. U*! 

Sir Charles Lyall has discharged with admirable fidelity the difficult task of editing 
and reducing to the officially prescribed order the valuable notes collected among the 
Mikirs by his friend the late Mr. Edward Stack, a civilian of brilliant promise, whose 
name is still remembered and honoured in Assam. To these notes are added many most 
useful notes and comments graced by rare scholarship, and in particular, in the section 
which deals with the affinities of the Mikirs, long a difficult problem, ample use has 
been made of the materials contained in the volumes of the " Report of the Linguistic 
Survey of India," in which the Tibeto-Burman dialects are discussed. The book is 
handsomely illustrated, has a good index, and a useful map, so that the information 
which it contains is placed before us in as convenient a manner as possible. 

The Mikirs are remarkable for their homogeneity and peacefulness, traits which 
mark them out from the mass of their linguistic congeners in Assam, Nagas, and Kukis 
whose internecine feuds have drawn upon them the attention of Government on 
many occasions, with the result that by comparison more is known about the turbulent 
tribes than the unoffending Mikirs, who pay revenue demands promptly and do not raid 
their neighbours for heads. They now inhabit the low hills along the l)oundary of the 
Nowgong District, whither they migrated in the middle of the eighteenth century to 
escape the oppression of the Ehasis on the Jaintia or eastern side of the Khasi Hills. 
At an earlier period they seem to have lived close to the Barail range, where they 
suffered on the one side from Kaga tribes, such as the Angamis and the Kabuis, 
and on the other from the Kachari kings of the Dimapur area. What, therefore, is 
remarkable is not that their customs should show signs of Khasi influence, but that that 
influence should not have been much greater. Sir Charles Lyall has succinctly summed 
up the points in which he traces Khasi influence (p. 152). So far as the language is 
concerned its structure is on the lines of the general run of Tibeto-Burman dialects, 
with one notable exception to which I will refer later, but which, whatever its origin, 
cannot be attributed to Khasi influence. In the section on divination and magic 
(p. 35) Sir Charles Lyall offers the opinion that divination by egg-breaking is 
" evidently borrowed from the Khasis." But there is evidence that the practice 
is found among other Tibeto-Burman tribes in Assam. Brown ('* Statistical Account 
of Manipur," p. 28) says that among the Kabul Nagas " egg-breaking as among the 
*' Khasia tribes is also practised." Lewin, in his account of the hill tracts of Chittagong 
(p. 98), records the custom of taking omens before maiTiage by means of the interior of 
an egg as in vogue among the Bunjogees. Eggs are used by Kukis in curing sickness, 
and though the evidence is not clear, yet I suspect that the eggs are used in order to 
divine the nature of the spirit which has caused the sickness. It is impossible to accuse 
the Bunjogees of borrowing this custom from the Khasis, among whom the practice is 
very elaborate and systematic. It is also interesting to find a parallel to the aketnen 
or ripe marriage of the Mikirs (p. 18) among the Tipperah tribes {see I<ewin, op, cit.y 
p. 81 et seq,), A sojourn in the father-in-law^s house is a sociological fact of con- 
siderable importance, and the addition to it of a ceremonial tabu against formal 

[ 169 ] 

Nos. 94-95.] MAN. [1908. 

intercourse with the bride on the wedding night is a feature which distinguishes the 
Tipperah custom from that of the Mikirs. 

A considerable portion of the book is devoted to an interesting study of Mikir 
grammar, the most remarkable feature of which is the negative formation of the verb. 
The use of a negative suffix is common enough in Tibeto-Burman dialects, bat the 
repetition of the consonant or consonantal nexus, if the root begins with a consonant 
or nexus of consonants (p. 85), is unusual, and, so far as my researches go, is peculiar 
to Mikir. Like all languages which primarily consist of monosyllables (whether 
originally or as the result of a long process of detrition is immaterial), Mikir has to 
make use of some one of the familiar methods of differentiating between homophonetic 
monosyllables. With numerals generic determinatives are used, while with verbs, in 
some cases, constant supplements are used, the proper employment of which must, as 
Sir Charles Lyall remarks, be very difficult to master. There are apparently no traces 
of any system of tonal modification. Mikir rejoices in a unique word for water, for 
while in most Tibeto-Burman dialects the word for water is some variant of the 
root chhu^ such as tui^ dzu^ i^x., in Mikir it is lang. Another word of interest as 
peculiar to this language is the word rong for village, which Sir Charles Lyall connects 
with the Burmese word rwa. The whole of the latter part of the section on the 
affinities of the Mikirs is devoted to a thorough examination of the classification put 
forward in the " Linguistic Survey of India Report," Vol. III., Pt. II., p. 379, which 
assigned the Mikirs to a group intermediate between Bodo and the Naga dialects, with 
the result (from which on the evidence so skilfully marshalled and set forth it is 
difficult to differ) that Mikir is intimately connected with the Kuki Chin group of 
languages. Among many valuable portions of this section it is necessary to mention 
in particular the conclusions at which Sir Charles Lyall has arrived in regard to the 
phonetic changes which occur in Mikir. We may not yet be able to formulate a 
law of interchange, but work of this kind will help us to it. T. C. HODSON. 

Eoonomio History. Hahn. 

Die Entstehung der wirtschaftlichen Arbeit, Von Dr. £d. Hahn. Heidel- AC 
berg : Winters Universitatsbuchhandlung, 1908. Pp. iv+109. Price 2 . 50 mks. UU 

Synthetic work in anthropology is very far from keeping pace with the accumu- 
lation of materials. In so far as the latter work is more urgent in view of the rapid 
changes there are coming over non-European races, this is excusable and even necessary. 
At the same time it should not be overlooked that, especially in England, by far the 
greater proportion of observation of native races is furnished by observers who are not 
even partially trained, and consequently furnish us with no data on many points that 
do not lie on the surface. Even facts the observation of which calls for no special 
gifts escape being recorded, teste the noteworthy absence of data on primitive economics 
in the average English work on races in the lower stages of culture ; and this though 
economics is far from being an unpopular subject in England as things go. 

If English observers are not interested in the economics of primitive peoples, 
English anthropologists are equally behindhand. The economic history of the world 
has yet to be written, and such contributions as are made to the study by primitive 
races or conditions are mainly due to Germany and France. It is but yesterday since 
Dr. Hahn overthrew the venerable error that man has been in succession hunter, 
nomadic herdsman, and cultivator. 

The present work is largely ethnological with a dose of social reform propaganda ; 
the net result is, however, by no means incongruous, and as a whole the booklet is 
interesting and stimulating. The author reviews his previous thesis as to the economic 
development of mankind, the important share of woman in the domestication of plants, 

[ 170 1 

1908.] MAN. [Nos. 95-96. 

her position among many primitive peoples as main or even only provider of food, her 
subordinate social rSlCy and so on. The conclusion which he draws is that greater 
econonfic freedom for woman in the present day is to be sought in the direction of 
making her the legal owner of what she can earn. 

Much of his anthropological material is drawn from the Australian : but it is 
unfortunate that Dr. Hahn has not laid Dr. Roth's Bulletins under contribution. There 
is little to support his view that the beginnings of cultivation in Australia are due to 
imitation of the whites. Yam culture was found fifty years' ago by Gregory in West 
Australia, then almost untenanted by Europeans, and it was clearly of native origin. 
It is not correct to say that the Australian did not build houses ; both in the north-west 
and south-east huts were solidly constructed, and it is only in certain areas that 
temporary erections only are known. 

The proposition (p. 34) that the male in the lowest-known stages of culture does 
virtually nothing, or that he at most does a little hunting, and gives wife and children 
part of his booty, is an unfortunate exaggeration. In Australia there are elaborate rules 
as to the division of game, and both there and elsewhere the capture of fish is in large 
measure the task of the males. Generalisations of this kind are reliable and useful only 
if they are supported by adequate evidence. Dr. Hahn has drawn many of his facts 
from Australia, and it is curious that he should not have realised that the sexes share 
the task of providing food. N. W. T. 

Britisli Association. Anthropology. 

Anthropology at the British Association^ Dublin Meeting, September 3-9, Q0 
1908. (Continued from Man, 1908, 87.) uO 


Nina F. Layard.— iVb<c« 07i an Ancient Lind Surface in a River Terrace at 
Ipswich, and on Palceoliths from a Gravel Pit in the Valley of the Lark. — At the 
junction of the river Gipping with the estuary of the Orwell gravelly sands are 
superimposed on the original red river gravels but separated from them by a black 
band varying in thickness from 3 inches to a foot. This band represents an old land 
surface which is largely composed of decayed animal matter. In this band the following 
remains have been found : teeth and bones of a large horse, bones and antler of red 
deer (Cervus elephus), large tusk, tooth and bones of mammoth, bones of Bos primi- 
genius, teeth and part of jaw of wolf (CaTiis lupus), proximal end of radius of bear 
with part of a claw, part of the sternum of a bird, and the shaft of humerus of an 
herbivorous mammal which has been gnawed. Flint implements were discovered in 
connection with these remains : a well-worked scraper with a number of flakes, and 
two small pointed tools of the Abbeville type. These remains were fully 30 feet 
below the present surface. 

The implements from the valley of the Lark were mostly found at a depth of 
18 feet, in coarse gravels which are in some parts of a deep red colour, in others 
inclining to light yellow. The tools are much rolled and many have a whitish patina. 
Comparing these pala3oliths with those found at Foxhall Road, Ipswich, the most notable 
differences are the generally rougher workmanship, and the prevalence of flint cores of 
considerable size, from which knives have been struck. No examples of these cores 
from East Anglia are included in the British Museum collection, and they do not appear 
to have attracted mush attention in England. Comparing them with the cores from 
Pressigny and the banks of the Indus in Upper Sindh it will be seen that the examples 
from Suffolk are of a much rougher type. Should it be found that cores are usually 

[ 171 ] 

No. 96.] MAN. [1908. 

absent from sites which produce flint tools of the Foxhall Road type, it may be possible 
to recognise a distinction between knife-making tribes and tribes which had not 
discovered the art of making long blades. 

George Clinch. — On the Classification of the Megalithic and Analogous 
Prehistoric Remains of Great Britain and Ireland, — Some reasonable and convenient 
classification of megalithic and related remains is urgently required because of — 

(1) The existing confusion of ideas as to the different types ; and 

(2) The special need of some common method of classification in view of the 

Government's promised action with reference to the " historical monuments " 
of England. 

The classification suggested aims at precision combined with sufficient breadth of 
scope to permit the inclusion of prehistoric dwellings, hillside sculptures, and other 
antiquities not already included in the scheme of the Earthworks Committee of the 
Congress of ArchaBological Societies. [^Liverpool Annals of ArchcBology and 
Anthropology, '] 

Report of the Committee to ascertain the Age of Stone Circles. — The committee 
this season began excavations at Avebury, confining their attention to the ditch. This 
was found to be extraordinarily deep. In the ditch were found a good stratification 
of pottery from media3val to prehistoric times, and on the chalk at the bottom were 
discovered picks of deer antlers, similar to those at Cissbury and Grime's Graves. 
The excavations so far tend to show that the age of the circle is late Neolithic or 
early Bronze Age, but further exploration is necessary before this opinion can be 
considered as proved. 

J. Gray, li.Sc. — Who Built the British Stone Circles f — Closely associated with 
dolmens and avenues in Britain, there are three leading types of circles, namely, the 
Dartmoor, the Aberdeenshire, and the Inverness types, the simplest forms being found 
in the south. 

The distribution of stone circles in Britain could be simply explained if we could 
assume that the nice who built them first settled in Cornwall and Devon, then migrated 
up through Wales, Lancashire, and South- West Scotland, as far as the mouth of the 
Clyde, from thence across the midlands of Scotland to the mouth of the Tay, then 
north along the east coast, through east Aberdeenshire, turning west to Inverness, and 
after that north through Caithness to the Orkney Isles and Lewis. 

The physical characters of the race with which the stone circles are associated 
are unique. It is demonstrable from available data that this race, which is assigned 
to the early Bronze Age, differs from all the other prehistoric races found in Britain ; 
it also differs from the prehistoric races of Sweden, Denmark, and Switzerland. Since 
the physical type of North- West Africa excludes the probability of immigration from 
this region, we would appear to be driven to seek the original home of these people 
in some region of Asia which the present state of our knowledge does not enable 
us to identify with certainty. It is interesting to note, however, certain indications 
of affinity with the ancient people of South-West Asia. [^Nature,'] 

Rev. IL J. Dukin field Astley, M.A., Litt.D. — Cup- and Ring- Markings, — 
These marks are of wide distribution, archaic examples being found on megalithic 
monuments, the stones of chambered tumuli, stone kists, and on rocks and boulders 
in many parts of Great Britain, in Ireland, on the Continent in France, Spain, It^ly, 
and Scandinavia, in China, India, and in North and South America. As examples 
among modern savages may be instanced those found in Australia, in Fiji, Easter 
Island, and other parts of the Pacific, as well as certain parts of Africa. 

It was suggested that cup- and ring-marks are connected with totemism, being 
analogous to the designs on the churinga of the Arunta, and are to be assigned to 
a similar process of primitive psvchology. 

[ 172 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 96 

The Lake Village at Glastonbury, — Tenth Report of the Committee. — The 
examination of the entire site comprising the Glastonbury Lake Village was completed 
in 1907, and during the past year an exhaustive description has been in course of 
prepn ration. 

During the past summer tentative explorations have taken place at another 
Lake Village site at Meare, situated between two and three miles west of the 
Glastonbury Village. The existence of this site has been known to Mr. Bulleid 
since 1895, but the Glastonbury excavations being in progress no examination was 
attempted until this year. 

The Meare Lake Village lies on the peat moor to the north side of a low ridge 
of ground, on which the village of Meare is built, and from 400 to 600 feet south of 
the River Brue. 

The tract of land in this neighbourhood was at one time occupied by Meare 
Pool, a body of water which, in the early part of the 16th century, was five miles 
in circumference. All traces of this lake have disappeared owing to drainage, and its 
position is now represented by fertile pastures. 

The Lake Village consists of two distinct groups of circular mounds, separated 
by a level piece of ground about 200 feet in width. 

The site covers parts of five fields, and measures some 250 feet in width north 
and south, by 1,500 feet in length east and west. 

Tentative excavations show that the mounds were constructed on similar lines 
to those at Glastonbury. 

Geokge Coffey. — The Distribution of Gold Lunulas, — Of the known examples 
of this most characteristic of Irish gold ornaments, sixty have been discovered in 
Ireland itself, six in France, four in England, four in Scotland, two in Denmark, and 
one each in Wales and Belgium. They may be dated provisionally, between 1200 and 
1500 B.C. 

George Coffey. — The Survival of La Thne Ornament in som**. Celtic Pen- 
annular Brooches. — The date of these brooches can be safely claimed as not later 
than A.D. 700, from the complete absence of any trace of interlaced ornament 
on them as well as from the many La T^ne elements surviving in their decoration. 
Many of them are no doubt earlier, and may antedate the coming of St. Patrick. All 
are of bronze, but the enamels with which they are decorated have disappeared. 

George Coffey. — Note on the Tara Brooch, — The particular feature of the 
brooch with which the paper dealt, and which had not previously been noticed, was that 
the fine wires of the interlaced patterns, of the central interlacements and of the head 
of the pin have a minute granulation which is hardly apparent to the naked eye. 

E, C. R. Armstrong. — A Leather Shield found in co. Longford, — The shield, 
which is circular, was found in June of this year in a peat bog. It is made of a solid 
piece of leather, and is 20^ inches in length and 19^ inches across. It has an oblong 
central boss, which has been pressed out of the leather and furnished with a cap 
composed of a finer leather, laced on to the boss. The face of the shield is ornamented 
with three ribs, between which are small bosses in sets of three, recalling the decoration 
of the bronze shields. The back of the shield is furnished with a leather handle. 
That the specimen is not the leather lining of a bronze shield is clear from the thickness 
of the leather and the lacing of the boss. It is of the same type as the bronze shields 
common to Upper and Western Europe. 

G. H. Orpex. — The Origin of Irish Motes, — Ireland offers some advantages over 
the sister island as a field for the study of motes, as, from the known history of 
the island, the peoples to whom the erection of its motes can be ascribed are practically 
reduced to three, viz., the Celtic tribes, meaning thereby the race or races that 
exclusively occupied Ireland prior to the Scandinavian invasion of the 19th century ; 

[ 173 ] 

No. 96.] MAN. [1908. 

the Scandiuavian invaders themselves ; or the Normans, who first came to Ireland in 
1169. Thus the Romans and the early Saxons, Angles, and Jutes, are excluded. 

As to the hypothesis of a Celtic origin, the local distribution of motes is impossible 
to explain on any theory which would ascribe them to the Celtic tribes generally. 
There is no mention in early Irish documents of an artificial mound as forming part of 
a Celtic fortress. At the time of the coming of the Normans the Irish had few or no 
castles, and there is no account of the siege or assault of any Irish castle. The only 
other hypothesis of their origin is one that would ascribe their erection to very early 
and even to prehistoric times. 

The hypothesis of a Scandinavian origin of Irish motes, though once widely held, 
is now discredited. Motes have not been observed in the countries from which the 
Northmen came, and are non-existent or rare in many parts of Ireland, which appear 
to have been specially occupied and dominated by them. 

As regards the remaining hypothesis that motes were erected by the Normans at 
the close of the 12th century and beginning of the 13th, the following are the 
principal facts and inferences which, in the writer's opinion, establish it : — 

The Normans are known to have adopted this type of fortress in the 11th century. 
When the Normans came to Ireland the mote fortress suited the conditions of their 
warfare. There is contemporary documentary evidence that the Normans did erect 
certain motes in Ireland. Upwards of 80 per cent, of the probable sites of the 
castles known to have been erected by the Normans prior to the year 1216 included a 
mote. The distribution of the motes in Ireland, so far as it can be ascertained, is 
completely explicable on the hypothesis that they were raised by the Normans. The 
vast majority of these motes has been shown to be situated at early manorial centres. 
In many cases the remains, or at least foundations, of stone towers and other defences 
exist, or can be shown to have formerly existed, on the summit of the motes or in the 
attached base-courts, and these seem to have been the work of the Normans or of their 
Anglo-Irish successors, and to have taken the place of the original wooden defences. 

Dr. R. F. Scharff. — Some Remarks on the Irish Horse and its Early History. 
— The most complete remains of the horse discovered in Ireland were obtained by 
Mr. George Coffey in the Craigywarren Crannog, county Antrim. The human imple- 
ments and weapons found with them imply that the occupation of the Crannog dates 
back to early Christian times. The horses were then no doubt domesticated. Their 
resemblance to the Arab type of horse is quite as striking a feature as that in the 
modern Connemara pony. 

The remains from a tumulus and from Irish bogs, marls, and caves in the Irish 
National Museum are less complete, but they all indicate that in still more remote 
times a small race of horse, apparently similar to that of the Crannog period, lived in 
Ireland. It is important to note that some of these remains probably belonged to 
wild races. 

The available evidence seems therefore to support the view that the resemblance 
of the modern Connemara pony to the Eastern or Libyan race of horse is not entirely 
due to human introduction of foreign stock, but to the fact that the wild horse of 
Ireland possessed the same characteristics as the latter, and transmitted them to the 
existing ancient domestic breeds. 

Professor John L. Myres. — The fVork of the Liverpool Committee for 
Excavation and Research in Wales and the Marches. — The Liverpool Committee 
for Excavation and Research in Wales and the Marches was instituted in October 1907, 
with the object of co-operating with existing agencies for the investigation of the 
early history of the Welsh people, with special reference to the effects of the Roman 
occupation of Wales, and of the non-Roman invasions which terminated and succeeded 
that occupation. 

[ 174 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 96. 

The work of the Committee for the current year has heen confiDed to the conduct 
of a preliminary survey of a few districts of Wales which have not yet been under- 
taken by any local society, and to tentative excavations on sites which seem likely 
to deserve more thorough examination in the near future. Such, for example, is the 
excavation of the Roman site of Caerleon, of which a summary is given separately 
by Mr. H. G. Evelyn White. 

H. G. Evelyn White. — Excavations at Caerleon^ Monmouthshire, — Excavations 
have recently been carried out at Caerleon on a piece of land lately added to the 
churchyard. As " quarrying " has been actively pursued on the site, a ground plan 
could only bo recovered by following mere foundations at a depth of 4 or 5 feet. 
The area excavated, judging by analogy, is apparently the site of the "principia." 

Among the finds were a broken tablet bearing the inscription — 

an amphora handle with the graffito, in cursive letters, AMINE, and a few coins, 
chiefiy of the Constantine family, but including one each of Carausius and Trajan. 

The value of the excavations consists in the recovery of the ground plan, especially 
as this is the first fragment of the interior arrangements of the camp which has been 
discovered. [^Liverpool Annals of ArchcBology and Anthropology,"] 

Dr. R. Newstead. — Recent Excavations at Roman Chester, — During the 
demolition of some property a section of the Roman wall was discovered. This is by 
far the most perfect portion yet found in Chester. The total length of the wall as 
at present recovered is 56 feet 10 inches. It is built of ashlar, consisting of seven 
courses of masonry laid in very regular and for the most part closely-jointed courses. 
The ashlar work is backed by rubble work, coursed more or less to correspond with 
the masonry. Large quantities of soil were used to fill in the cavities between the 
masonry and the rubble work. The foundations were deep and were built of rubble 
similar to the inner lining of the wall. Behind the rubble facing of the wall was 
found a solid bank of stiff clayey loam, which was probably at one time supported 
by masonry or stonework. The fosse was not of the usual V shape, the bottom being 
broad and flat. [^Chester Arch, Soc,"] 

T. AsHBT, M.A., D.Litt. — Excavations at Caerwenty Monmouthshire ^ on the 
Site of the Romano- British City of Venta Silurum in 1907-8. — Of the excavations 
up to August 1907 an account was given at the Leicester meeting. The rest of the 
campaign of 1907 was devoted to the exploration of the basilica and forum, with the 
exception of the western portion of both, which lies beyond the limits of Lord 
Tredegar's property. It was possible to recover the plan of the whole block, which, 
surrounded by streets on all four sides, formed one of the twenty insults into which 
the town was divided, and it corresponds closely with that of the forum of Silchester, 
An interesting feature is the large drain which carried the surface water off the open 
area under the basilica and away to the north. The season of 1908 was devoted to 
the continuation of work in the insula^ to the east of the forum, to the south of a 
large house, numbered VII^, excavated in 1906. Remains of several private houses 
and some rubbish pits were found, one containing a peculiarly hideous seated statuette 
of a female deity. 

Dr. Haakon Schetelig. — The Sculptured Stones of Norway and their Relation 
to some British Monuments, — The sculptured stones of the Viking Age in Norway are 
not very numerous, but are of great interest, as showing several different types. The 
standing stone of Kirkeide, in Nordfjord, is covered with symbols : the comb, the 
serpent, the group of four concentric circles, the crescent, and the radiated sun disc, 
which are all found also in the early Christian monuments of Scotland. It is a proof of 

[ 176 ] 

Hos. 96-97.] MAN. [1906. 

direct commiiDication between Scotland and Western Nonraj aboat a.d. 700. Another 
Atone in the same di.strict bears a ship figure only, and profaablj shows an influeuee 
from Gotland daring the same period, wiz^ about a.d. 700. Sach connections between 
Gotland, Western Norwar, and Scotland have been suggested already bj the late 
Prof. Soph as Bagge, from some peculiarities in the form of the runes. Mr. Jacobsen has 
come to the same conclusion from Norwegian names of places in Shetland. Thus we see 
that direct conununications between Britain and some parts of Scandinavia were opened 
at a time not a little earlier than the Viking expeditions recorded in history. A stone 
from Til, in Jaederen, bears a runic inscription and simply carved representations of a 
man and a woman. Bv comparing them with a certain type of small gold leaves, 
impressed with figures, it is made out that they represent a mythical scene, probably 
personifications of the sun and the earth (Frey and Gerd). This monument must be 
assigned to the first part of the Viking Age, as its runes show the same peculiar 
character as the ruDCs of the Norwegian crosses in the Isle of Man. Its figures may 
also have been influenced by the sculpt ares of that island. 

The sculptured stones of the early Christian time are chiefly found in the eastern 
parts of Norway ; they are of a more ornamental character. 

N. Gordon Munro. — Prehistoric Archaolof/y in Japan. — During the past quarter 
of a century the ol>servations of Japanese and foreign investigators have enabled some 
general conclusions to be made. Features not shared by other cultures have been 
i.solated, while the resemblance of culture vestiges to those of other lands agrees wiih 
the general verdict of prehistoric intercommunication. Here also the great number of 
crude stone implements and the persistence of horn and bone harpoons of palaeolithic form 
suggest a direct survival from the earlier culture, while some indications of an evolution 
are present. But no remains of undeniably palaeolithic status have been found. Excava- 
tions of shell mounds and other neolithic sites in Japan have revealed some connection 
between the pottery of this phase and that of the iron culture which accompanied the 
agricultural invaders from the mainland of Asia. These formed the core of the present 
Japanese nation. The neolithic inhabitants were gradually driven to the east and 
north, but miscegenation took place to a greater extent than is generally supposed. 

The discovery of Ainu remains in the shell heaps aud underlying soil proves that 
this people played a part in the neolithic culture. 

The characters of the dolmens and other vestiges of the Iron phase, and the 
incidence of the former with the neolithic sites, favour the view that the progress of 
the invaders towards the east and north was slow, and might have commenced about 
five centuries B.C. or even earlier. 


The death is announced of Dr. Stephen Wootten Bushell, C.M.G., who for many Q^ 
years was physician to the British Legation, Pekin, and who was an eminent 9# 
authority on Chinese porcelain. His handbooks on this subject, published for the 
Victoria and Albert Museum, are well known. 

It is satisfactory to learn that a Royal Commission, with Lord Burghclere as chairman, 
has been appointed for the purpose of scheduling the ancient monuments of England 
from the earliest times down to 1700, and of deciding which are worthy of preservation. 
Commissions of a similar nature for Wales and Scotland have already been 

Mr. N. W. Thomas, M.A., has been appointed Government Ethnologist to Southern 
Nigeria, and leaves England shortly to take up his duties. 

Printed by Eybb and Spottiswoodb, Ltd., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 


Man-, igo8. 




1908.] MAN. [No. 98. 


Folklore. With Plate M. Dalton. 

The Animal-Headed Flurure on the Franke Oaeket. By 0. M. QA 

Dalton, M.A., F.S.Ar uO 

The perplexing subject upon the bone panel at Florence, which originally formed 
the right end of the Franks Casket in the British Museum, still remains a matter 
for controversy.* Perhaps the most generally accepted interpretation is that adopted 
by Wadstein, who connects it with the Sigurd (Siegfried) Saga. On the right 
Brynhild urges Gunnar and Hagen to the murder of the hero ; in the middle is the 
tumulus, with Siegfried's body visible within, and the faithful horse, Grane, mourning 
above it ; on the left Grane, now with a human body, sits upon the tumulus with the 
murderer, Hagen, standing before him. 

It is with the interpretation of this left-hand portion of the panel that the present 
note is concerned. The version which has just been quoted does not explain the episode 
very satisfactorily. Dr. Imelmannf has, therefore, asked with some reason why Grane 
should be repeated at all, and, if repeated, why he should be anthropomorphic in one 
place and purely animal in another ? There are difficulties in the way of his own 
interpretation, in which he develops a suggestion miuie by Holthausen ; but it raises 
points of anthropological interest, and may, therefore, be fitly presented to readers of 
Max. Dr. Imelmann thinks it possible that the figure with the horse's (or ass's) 
head and human body may represent a metamorphosis. The chief objection to this 
lies in the fact that the group on the left must then be regarded as detached from the 
episodes occupying the rest of the panel as at present interpreted. 

Representations of men with animals' heads are comparatively frequent in early 
art. They may be roughly divided into four classes. Firstly, there are animal-headed 
deities, such as the Anubis or Seth of Egypt ; secondly, there are the wearers of 
masks ; thirdly, the figures illustrating ancient travellers' tales ; lastly, there are 
l)e witched persons. It is with the last of these classes that we are here principally 
occupied. The superstition that the personality of a man may pass into an animal 
form is of immense antiquity, and examples of its occurrence might be quoted from 
all parts of the world. We have here only to consider the prevalence of the belief 
as it may have affected the maker of the Franks Casket. 

In the earlier centuries of the Christian era witches were as real to popular belief 
as at any other period before or after, and their power of changing either themselves 
or others into beasts and birds was a favourite subject in popular literature and drama. 
The powers attributed to Circe passed to the Moeris of the Eclogues and were 
transmittal to the Pamphile of the Golden Ass, The results obtained by all these 
witches were the same, but their methods varied ; instead of the insidious draught or 
the poisonous herb they often used a magical ointment, the effects of which could only 
be cancelled by eating some particular kind of leaf or flower. In the romance of 
Apuleius the transformed Lucius only regains his human shape by snatching a meal 
of roses. The northern Sagas had also their were-wolf warriors, similar to the 
man-lions, human leopards, and ape-men of primitive fancy. There is, therefore, no 
reason why a metamorphosis should not be represented in the Northumbrian art of the 
eighth century, and it may be noted that the creature upon the casket appears to be 
eating, at the same time holding a branch in one hand. It may, however, seem strange 
that the figure should be partly man and partly beast, instead of being wholly animal. 
This partial transformation may have been deliberately chosen as a really more effective 

♦ This panel, which had been separated from the rest and purchasetl by M. Carran<l, passe<l with 
bis collection into the Bargello (^Ueale Nuaeo Sazionale) at Florence, where it now is. 
t Zeugtuitse zur altenglUchen Odoaker-Dichtvng^l^Ql, 

[ 177 ] 

Nob. 98-99.] MAN. [1908. 

method of portraying a dual nature. But it may possibly have been suggested by 
familiar types of animal-headed men belonging to the other classes mentioned above. 
The upper figure on the plate, from an eleventh century Anglo-Saxon manuscript 
in the British Museum,* represents a creation of the fantastic anthropology handed 
down through Pliny and JElian to the earlier middle ages. It is described as a 
cynocepbalus with a dog's head, horse's mane, and boar's tusks, a hot-blooded monster 
breathing fire and flame. The idea of such a type may well have unconsciously 
influenced the artist when he came to draw a man who had been bewitched. 

There is another source from which a similar suggestion may have been derived, 
and that is of the Mime of the Ass. The Golden Ass of Apuleius was doubtless based 
upon this mime, which was one of the most popular of those performed in the market 
places of the Roman Empire both in the East and in the West. In the performance, 
the impersonator of the ass-man went upon two legs and wore only a mask in the form 
of a donkey's head ; he is so seen upon a fragment of red ware found in Italy and dating 
from the first century a.d. There seems reason to believe, as Dr. Hermann Reich has 
shown,! that degenerate forms of this mime persisted through the Middle Ages ; and 
that " the man with the ass's head " may have been seen in the fairs of European cities 
down to the sixteenth century. Shakespeare himself, who had probably read the Golden 
Ass^ may have seen or heard of the popular figure, and Nick Bottom, the weaver, is 
thus brought into connection with the Lucius of Apuleius. In theory the ass-man of 
the mime was no doubt supposed to have assumed the whole physical nature of a 
donkey, but we learn from the pottery fragment that for representative purposes the 
long-eared head was considered a sufficient mark of identity. 

It appears, therefore, that there is more than one w^ay in which a monstrous figure, 
partly human and partly animal, may have come to do duty for the complete donkey ; 
and the theory that the episode upon the Franks Casket may have something to do with 
a metamorphosis is not altogether improbable. But it is always open to the supporters 
of the older theory to suggest that the artist gave a man's body to the horse Grane 
simply to emphasise the human sympathy which the noble animal displayed after his 
master's death. This small problem is perhaps not unworthy of the attention of anthro- 
pologists, who are confronted with somewhat similar difficulties in the domains of 
primitive and barbaric art. O. M. DALTON. 

Totemism. Langr. 

Linked Totems. By A. Lang, QQ 

In Mr. Seligmann's interesting paper (Man, 1908, 89) on " Totemism in UU 
British New Guinea," it is hard to understand what is meant by ''linked totems." 
They may, we learn, belong to a " clan," a " tribe," or '* a division of a tribe.'* 
What is exactly meant here (1) by a "clan " ? Are we to understand a clan claiming 
descent from a known or supposed male ancestor, and styled by a patronymic ; or a 
local totem kin of male descent, styled by the name of the totem, and only allowed 
to marry out of the name ? If such a clan had several totems, all exogamous, 
obviously it would resemble a "phratry," or main exogamous division (the "linked 
totems" being totem kins in the phratry), more than a "clan." Or are the "linked 
totems " merely what Mr. Howitt called " sub-totems," and Mrs. Langloh Parker 
styles " multiplex totems," with no etfect on exogamy, and not tabooed as food — 
that is, not totems, strictly speaking, at all, but possessions classified under each 
phratry ? 

(2) What is the distinction between a " clan " and " a division of a tribe " ? 

♦ Cottonian Manuscript, Tibmus, H. V., f. 80. 

t Jahrbuch der deuUrhen Shakespeare Ge*elUchaft. Berlin, 1904. Pp. 108 ff. Dr. Reich, repro- 
<luce8 the fragment of Roman fij^ured ware on p. 110. 

[ 178 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Nob. 99-100. 

(3) Can we say that a tribe has a totem, and is the tribe exogamons and named 
hy the totem name ? Has such a " tribe " totem kins within it, and if so, is it not a 
localised phratry ? 

These points may be cleared up in the forthcoming report of the Daniels 
Expedition, but meanwhile I confess to being puzzled by the terminology. 

I have been told, whether correctly or not, that each Highland clan has its attached 
vegetable, fish, and beast, as the Campbells have the salmon and the bog-myrtle ; 
their bird or beast I forget. If the information be correct, the things are not, of 
course, "linked totems," though they may conceivably descend from a state of things 
like that in British New Guinea, whatever that state may be. 

It seems plain that the communities with " linked totems " are local communities, 
but whether they are local totem kins, mixed ; or tribes ; or even relics of plu'atries, 
is not clear. The Marshall Bennet Islands myth of a hole whence "emerged the 
" ancestors of the clan bearing with them their animal totems " is like the Dieri 
myth of the emergence of the ancestors of each totem kin from a lake, whence they 
scattered in all directions. But how could a "clan" contain primal ancestors of 
several different totems, if by " clan " is meant an exogamous totem kin ? The Viara 
myth, like the Euahlayi, says that the creator {Garuboi^ a snake) "separated mankind 
into clans " (banaga). The banaga^ I presume, were totem kins, each exogamous, 
each with one totem and totem name. We have not here, I think, one " clan " with 
many ancestors of different totems. If the snake made the earth, how could he be 
born on Viara, which he liad not yet made ? It must, like Britannia and Delos, 
have risen " at Heaven's command," but of such stuff are the dreams of savages 
made ! 

I cannot but wish that, in our terminology, the word " clan " were confined to its 
original meaning. A. LANG. 

Totemism. Selignnann. 

Linked Totems: a Reply to Mr. Lan^:. By C. G. Seligmann^M.D. Iflfl 

I do not quite realise what is Mr. Lang's difficulty in the term linked lUU 

totems, or what he means when he says, " If such a clan had several totems all 

" exogamous " This sentence seems to imply that Mr. Lang considers 

that within the unit (clan in British New Guinea ; tribe or division of tribe in Fiji) 
there are groups of individuals, each group having a different totem. And it seems 
possible that Mr. Lang thinks that I apply the term linked totems to the totems of 
all these groups within the unit, considered as a single group of totems. But neither 
Dr. Rivers's note nor M. de Marzan's article seems to me to suggest this, and my note 
was written to draw attention to essential similarity existing between the conditions 
which (as I understand their writings) these authors describe from Fiji and those I 
found in New Guinea. What I mean by linked totems becomes clear, I think, from 
consideration of Dr. Rivers's article and the table which appears in my note in the 
last number of Max. The last two lines of this table are a statement in tabular 
form of the conditions found in Fiji (Rivers ; de Marzan) where all the individuals of 
the unit (tribe or division of a tribe) have a number of totems belonging to different 
classes of living things. The rest of the table consists of illustrations from south- 
eastern British New Guinea of a similar condition of affairs, the unit here being the 
<*lan, and its totems, belonging to different classes of living creatures, are, as I term 
them, linked totems. 

Having, as I hope, to some extent cleared the ground, I will endeavour to answer 
Mr. Lang's questions as far as it is possible to do this briefly. 

(i) In south-eastern British New Guinea the clans are exogamous (there may 
Also be a dual or a multiple grouping of the clans, but I must ignore this here) 

[ 170 ] 

Nos. 100-lOt] MAN. [1908. 

and descent is in the female line. Clans sometimes bear the name of one of their 
totems (not necessarily the most important), but this is an exception ; usuallj the 
clan names are geographical. Every individual of a particular clan has the same 
linked totems. Over the greater part of the area under consideration the bird totem 
is the most important of the linked totems and is not eaten ; further, the fish totem is 
not eaten (there may be exceptions to this rule, but, generally speaking, it holds 

(ii) I have already given some particulars of the clan as the totemic unit in 
south-eastern British New Guinea. Mr. Lang must draw his own conclusions from 
Dr. Rivera's and M, de Marzan^s writings how far the clan (British New Guinea)^ 
and tribe or division of a tribe (Fiji), differ from each other as to their totems at 
the present day. To me they seem essentially similar in this respect. 

(iii) The points raised by this question refer only to Fiji, therefore I cannot 
answer them. 

It should now be clear that there was really no reason, as far as my note was 
concerned, for Mr. Lang to formulate the hypothesis (even if only to destroy it) that 
a clan might " contain primal ancestors of several different totems." 

Finally, concerning the clans created by the snake Garuboi, each had a series of 
linked totems : of the three clans in the Gelaria community, where I heard this 
myth, the name of one was that of its totem snake Garuboi ; the name of the second 
was almost certainly geographical, while I failed to ascertain the origin of the name 
of the remaining clan. C. G. SELIGMANN. 

Africa, East. Dundas. 

KIkuyu Rika. By Hon. K. R. Dundas. fflf 

The life of the Kikuyu of both sexes is divided into periods called Bika III I 
— sing. Morika, 

These are the male Bika: — 

1. Morika ya Wahau — The age of young boys. 

2. Moriha ya Laini, — The age up to the time of circumcision. 

3. Moriha ya Mumo, — The age of young warriors (corresponding to the junior 

warriors of the Masai). 

4. Morika ya Anake. — The age of the senior warriors, who wear their hair long, 

reaching down over their shoulders. 

5. Morika ya Karabai, — The age of the married men. 

6. Morika ya Kiama, — The age of the elders. 

The last Morika is the most important of all ; to it belong the elders who 
administer the law. 

No one, who is not the father of a circumcised child, can belong to this Morikay 
which is divided into two degrees : (1) Morika ya Kiama ya Mhule Omwe ; (2) Mo- 
rika ya Kiama ya Mbule Egeri, 

A eundidate on being admitted into the first of these two degrees pays one sheep 
to the elders of the Kiama and two on being admitted into the second degree ; hence 
the names of the two degrees. 

Members of the first degree deal with petty offences ; those of the second degree 
with serious offences, such as murder, rape, &c. 

The full member may be distinguished by the flat spiral rings of brass wire, 
which he is henceforth entitled to wear in the lobes of his ears. 

When, in the opinion of the elders of the Kiama of the day, the time has come to 
create a new Morika^ a big shauri is held throughout the Kikuyu country, to which 
none but elders are admitted, and at which vast quantities of meat and 'Iriuk are 

[ 180 ] 

1908.] MAN. [Xo. 101. 

It being decided to create a new Morika^ the candidates are summoned before 
the elders, who recite to them the law (Appendix X,\ each clause of which they must 
swear to obey, for they are now about to become elders of the first degree of the Kiama^ 
and will henceforth be required to administer justice. 

Thereupon a chief over each division (geographical) is chosen, and the ceremony 
ends in the consumption of more liquor. 

The Kikuyu believe that only ten ages of Kiama have existed since man was 
first created (Appendix B.). 

The following are the female Rika : — 

1. Morika ya Moireka, — The age of uncircumcised girls. 

2. Morika ya Moiretu, — The age of girls eligible for marriage. 

3. Morika ya Mohiki, — The age of married women who have not yet given birth 

to a child. 

4. Morika ya Wahai, — The age of those who are mothers. 

5. Morika ya Mutu Mia, — The age of mothers of circumcised sons. 

The last of these ages is distinguished like that of the Kiama by its members 
being allowed to wear flat spiral rings of brass wire in their ears ; those of the women, 
however, are bigger than those worn by the men. 

Appendix A. — The following penalties may be inflicted under Kikuyu law : — 

For murder, 100 sheep, 4 goats, and a bull. 

For adultery, 3 sheep. 

For rape, 10 goats and 2 sheep ; the latter to be given to the Elders of the 

For stealing the produce from another's shamba^ 2 sheep to the Elders of the 
Kiama ; and to the owner according to the value of the amount stolen. 

For striking a man with a knobkerry, 2 sheep ; one to the Elders of the Kiama 
and one to the plaintiff. 

For a spear wound, 10 goats to the plaintiff. 

For a sword wound, 30 goats and one sheep, called Ngaita^ to the plaintiff and 
2 sheep to the Elders of the Kiama, 

For cutting off a finger, 10 goats for every joint cut off. 

For causing the loss of an eye, 100 sheep. 

For causing the loss of a hand, 100 sheep. 

For stealing honey, 10 sheep. 

For killing a snake in another man's shamba^ one sheep. 

Appendix B. — First Generation^ Manjiri, — When God had finished making the 
world, he blew upon a great trumpet, the sound of which could be heard over the 
whole earth, and at the blast thereof was created the first Morika ya Kiama^ called 
Manjiri, the people of the trumpet. 

Second Generation,^ Mamba, — The Manjiri were the fathers of the people of the 
Mam ha, the ancestors. 

Third Generation,, Manduti, — After whom came the Manduti, the sinful people* 

Fourth Generation,, Chuma, — After the Manduti came the Chuma, whose name 
signifies the raiders,, a great raid in their country occurring during their lives. 

Fifth Generation^ Shiera. — The Chuma were succeeded by the Shiera, whose 
name means a multitude,, because during their lives the people increased greatly. 

Sixth Generation,, Masasi, — After the Shiera came the Masasi, the people of the 
red earthy who were called thus because in their generation arose the custom of 
smearing the body with red clay. 

Seventh Generation^ Endcmi. — The people of the seventh Morika were the 
Endemi, during whose lives the supply of metal for manufacturing swords and knives, 
which up till then had been very scarce, became exceedingly plentiful. 

[ 181 ] 

No6. 101-102,] 



Kiffhfh Gtfteraiton, /rf^i.^The Emleini tjiegat the Irefi^WR^Touglit with the 
itivadriig (^ulla.H, or 8unuiltt4^ atul drove them out of tbe con u try. 

A7«M Generation^ Maina. — The Iregi were the father?! of the Maln»« thr dancers* 
who s|>eTil their liay^ in peace aoil in jEn"eal rejoieiug over the expubion of the Barabio 
(Gallas or SomaJb)* 

Tenth Generation^ Muangi, — The tenth and last generation to re<?eive a uiune 
wa« the Muangi, %vhich is the name of a people who eat mnrh meat aud drink great 
quantities of t>eer ; l»efore their day it was not the eustoin amongst the Kikura to 
driuk beer. 

The present getieratlon, whieh is the elevetith, i* still yonng and wUI not become 
Elders of the Kiamtt for many year* to come. 

These are the generation:* that have lived .^inre (tod first created man- 


Africa, CentraL 

Alphabet Boards. % ff, fT. Garhuit. 

The iKiard^ here illustrated were brought down to Bnlawayo l>j nativei* 
coinirifir from Uomira Bay, Lake Xyasa, Briti?«h Central Africa, There U some reason 





to siip|iosc thei^e (toys were from Zanzibar, at least Zanzihar boys are known to ti^o 
such wooden *■* nlates ". 

The ^laios aro proTided for the native children to s^ave the wear ami tear of prititiM] 
, books, and are an interesting survival of the nse of wootl from prehi.'«torie timea, aa 
I c1et«?nbed and ilh^strated in an artiele entitled '* Materiab us^ed to write upou beford 

t 182 ] 



[Nos. 102-103. 

the " inventioD of printing," by Albert Maire, Librarian of the Paris University, 
appearing in the Smiihsonian Report of the U.S.A. for 1904 (issued in 1905). The 
iihistrations in the article depict — 

(1) Arabic school exercise inscribed on board 

from the Philippine Islands. 

(2) An attempt at the restoration of the 

tables of Solon (Azores), G (fraud's 

(8) Wood tablet with Greek inscription. 

The two alphabet boards now described are 
inscribed with Arabic characters, the smaller l>oard 
having an inscription on both sides. The three 
photographs show the two boards and the reverse 
side of the smaller one. All three inscriptions are 
identical, each being preceded by a sentence or 
invocation used as a charm against the Evil One, 
and reailing, " Throwing Stones at Satan, in the 
Name of the Most Merciful God." 

The remainder of the inscriptions, in the 
case of each board, teaches the different sounds of 
each letter of the alphabet just as in a primer 
used by very young children. 

In English the sounds here represented may 
be expressed by the words — 

" Ah, Ay, Oo." 

'' Bah, Bay, Boo." 

"Tab, Tay, Too, 
with — 

"Yah, Yey, Too." 

Then follows, in the case of the larger fig. 3. — smaller board (reverse). 
board, the phrase, " This is the last (letter)." 

The reverse side of the smaller board was photographed because in a sort of 
cartouche (resembling somewhat those found on the tombs of Egyptian kings and 
containing the names of the deceased) is enclosed the name of the owner of the 
"slate," "Khadijah, daughter of Omor." H. W. GARBUTT. 

&c., and concluding 

Africa, South. Haddon. 

Additional Note on Copper Rod Ourrency^fN>m the Transvaal. 4110 

By A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S. lUU 

In the current numl)er of Folk-Lore (Vol. XIX.) there is an interesting paper on 
" The Balemba of the Zoutpansberg (Transvaal)," by the Rev. II. A, Junod, in which 
he says (p. 280) : " The Balemba have been the true pioneers of civilisation amongst 
'' the Ba-Suto, who were then in a very primitive condition. Some Ba-Suto learned 
'^ from them. The Palabora people, for instance, became quite a tribe of blacksmiths^ 
" and they have exploited for many decades the copper of the Palabora hills and sold it 
" to their countrymen under the form of ' lirale,' viz., sticks of about H feet in length, 
'' ^ inch in breadth, finished off by a semi-circular head. These ' lirale ' are still some- 
'* times found among the Low Country natives. Have the Suto blacksmiths of the Iron 
^^ Mountain of the Klein Letaba also learned their art from the Balemba ? It is difficult 
" to say. I heard natives assert that they * came out from the reed ' ; that is to say, 

[ 183 ] 

Nos. 103-104.] MAN. [1908. 

" they were created holding in their hands the instruments of their forge ! At any rate 
" the iron industry of Klein Letaba is very old." This information supplements that 
given by Mr, H, D. Hemsworth and myself in Man, 1908, 65, 66. 


Australia : Llngruistios. Sohinidt. 

On the Classification of Australian Lanfl^uaires. By Father III J 

W, Schmidt^ S.V.D. ; communicated by N. W. Thomas. lUT 

The languages of Australia fall into two main groups : (1) The northern, whose 
many tongues are, perhaps, far from being related to each other, and certainly are 
unconnected with the languages of the group following ; and (2) the Australian group 
proper, whose components are clearly related to each other. 

I. — Broadly speaking, the northern group does not extend further south than 
20° S., the only exception being the Aranda (Arunta) language, which occupies an 
area between 20° and 27° S. On the other hand, we find that in the eastern half of 
the Continent, Australian languages penetrate into the northern area ; south of the 
Gulf of Carpentaria the hinna group (see below) ; more to the east the walloo'dilli 
(see below) group extends as far as 18° S. ; while on the coast itself the binna group 
reaches as far as 15° S. 

The great number of independent languages in this relatively small area of the 
northern group, which is not split up by lofty and impassa])le mountain chains, suggests 
that this multiplicity had its origin not in Australia itself, and that these languages are 
Papuan, which have penetrated from the north. These languages have in many cases 
no inclusive and exclusive first person plural and dual, which are never wanting in 
Australian tongues proper. 

II. — The Australian languages proper fall into two sub-groups of very unequal 
size : one which places the genitive before the determinated word, the other which 
places the genitive after the word, the latter group being the older. 

To the second sub-group, with postposition of the genitive, belong all the Victorian 
languages and perhaps also the Narrinyeri ; thus in this sub-group fall all patrilineal 
southern tribes, which practise neither circumcision nor subincision, together with 
certain matrilineal tribes of West Victoria. Of the east coast peoples, the Gippsland 
tribes are in this sub-group, while those north of them, as far as 34° S., occupy a 
position intermediate between the two sub-groups. The patrilineal group near Brisbane, 
on the other hand, is not included in the older group, though the vocabulary of these 
tribes differs markedly from others in words otherwise common to the whole of 
Australia, such as those for " hand " and " eye." 

All the remaining languages belong to the first sub-group. I have established 
their relations by a comprehensive survey, but their main divisions are adequately 
shown if we take the word for '' ear " as a basis, and subdivide further by using 
the words for '' eye " and " nose." 

Family : Area : 

(\v()r<l for *'ear") 

1. tuonka - - - - South-west corner of W, Australia. 

2. knlga^ wolka - - - Remainder of W. Australia as far as 20° N. 

and 130° S. 

( 3. ynri — 

) (a) muiUa (nose) - - Centre of 8. Australia as far as the Arunta. 

j (b) mendolo (nose) - - East of 3(a) about 30' 8. 

( '1. tnljta^ kuCera - - - North-east of 3(a). 

marl - - - - W, Victoria, south and south-east of 3(a) 

and (b). 
[ 184 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 104. 

Family : Area : 

6. gorai, kuri - - - South-east corner of N.S. Wales. 

[ 7. wtitha - - - - Wiradhuri. 

I 8. bidnoy hinna ... All N.S. Wales not included in 5 and 6, a 

broad strip of the east coast of Queensland, 
an area south of the Gulf and enclaves at 
26° S. 143° E., 26° S. 130° E. 
9. dilli (eye)— 

(a) munga (ear) - . A strip two degrees broad from 27° S. 147° E. 

to 21° S. 142° E., with (?) two enclaves 
(Curr, 116, 117). 

(b) wallu (ear) - - East of 9(a) from 23° to 18° S., alternating 

with group 8 along the coast. 

In the above table the groupings into larger divisions are shown by brackets. 
It should be noted that in vocabulary the whole of sub-group I is related to sub- 
group II, though its individual members have more in common than either the whole 
group or any of its members has with sub-group II. 

As regards the position of the genitive in sub-group II, it must be remarked 
that in the languages of this group the suffix genitive appears only in unconscious 
compounds and adverbial expressions, but not where the genitive is formed with the 
case-ending of to-day. 

That postposition of the genitive is older is shown by the fact that the possessive 
in the case of persons and parts of the body is a suffix. True, the possessives are 
properly genitive forms with case suffixes, which presupposes a genitive preposition, 
but the possessive form is not felt to be a genitive, and the new form is employed in 
the old fashion. 

In support of this view may be mentioned the fact that in these languages personal 
pronouns are already compounds of a particle and a suffixed pronominal stem proper. 
In many languages the personal pronoun is different from the possessive ; thus in 
Thagurru — 

1. Wa-rij I. nagal'ik^ mine. 

2. fVa-r, thou. nagai-in, thine. 

or in Tyeddyawurru — 

1. fVang-an^ I. wang-ek^ mine. 

2. fVang-ary thou. wang-in^ thine. 

Elsewhere a second particle is added to the first and the pronominal stem added 
to the whole : — 

Wuddyawurru — 1. Bang-ek^ I. bang-ordig-ek^ mine. 

It is worthy of note that in Tasmanian, though it has already adopted pre- 
position both in syntactical and in compound genitives, the possessive in suffixed, e,g.y 
fiubrena-mina (eye of me), and the suffix genitive is shown to be here, too, the 
older form. The languages of S.E. Australia, therefore, agree with Tasmanian in one 
of the most important points — the position of the affixless genitive. 

As I have not completely finished my researches, the above statements arc of a 
somewhat provisional character, but I trust that in their principal features they will 
hold good, and that any corrections that may be made subsequently will be only of a 
secondary nature. ' W. SCHMIDT, S.V.D. 

[ 1«5 ] 

No. 105.] MAN. [1908. 

Borneo. Hewitt : Shelford. 

Some SeapDayAk Tabus. By Mrs, Hewitt, Communicated by R, Shel- fflC 
ford, M,A. lUu 

The following extract from a letter communicated to the Sarawak Gazette of 
Octol)er, 1908, by Mrs. Hewitt, wife of the present curator of the Sarawak Museum^ 
seems to deserve a wider circulation than the official organ enjoys. Mrs. Hewitt^ 
in her letter, describes, in a lively and attractive style, her experiences amongst the 
Sea-Dayaks of Banting, Sarawak. The Sarawak Government recently launched 
a punitive expedition against some rebels in the head waters of the Batang Lupar 
river and drew a contingent from the loyal Dayaks of Banting ; it was for the sake 
of these men that the women of Banting observed the tabus detailed by Mrs. Hewitt. 
It may be noted with regret that the religious observance by the women of these tabus 
was of little avail, for I gather from the official reports of the expedition that the 
Banting men incautiously pushed ahead of the main force, fell into an ambuscade^ 
and sustained heavy loss. The following are the tabus as given by Mrs. Hewitt : — 


For the Women, 

(1) They must wake up very early in the morning and as soon as light open the 
windows, otherwise the men will oversleep themselves and not hear the warning cry 
of the begau (panic). The windows are opened early so that it may be light and 
bright for the men to set out on the march. 

(2) It is mali (forbidden) to put oil on the hair or the men will slip when 
walking on a batang, 

(3) The women must neither sleep nor doze during the daytime or the men will 
be drowsy when walking. 

(4) They nuist cook antl scatter popcorn on the verandah early each morning. 
Thus shall their husbands be agile in their movements. At the same time the 
women sing a verse : — 

Oh kamba, enti tinggi surokj 

Enti baroh, perjok 

Muiisoh suroh genong 

A leak ha baka ditanggong, baha sangkutong, 

which being interpreted is — ^' Oh, you absent ones, if any high thing overhanging- 
" impedes your progress, dotlge under it ; any low thing, jump over it. Petrify 
" your enemies ; prevent them lowering arm or hand raised against you." 

(5) It is forbidden to bathe in the usual way — wetting the petticoat — for should 
the hain become wet and heavy so will the men feel heavy in body and unable to 
walk or run quickly. 

(6) The rooms must be kept very tidy, all boxes being placed near the walls^ 
for shouhl they cause anyone to stumble then will the men tall when walking or 
running, and thus they may be at the mercy of the enemy. 

(7) They must eat food only at meal times and then properly sitting down ; 
otherwise their husbands will be tempted to eat leaves or earth when on the march^ 
thus provoking the annisenient or even contempt of their friends. 

(H) At each meal a little rice must be left in the pot and this must be put aside 
so that the men nuiy always have something to eat and need never go hungry. 

(9) On no account must the women sit long enough to get cramp whilst weaving 
the hat ft ; otherwise the men also will become stiff' and be unable to rise up quickly 
after sitting or to run away. 

To obviate this the women intersperse their weaving operations by frequent walk» 
u]) and down the verandah. 

[ 1«6 ] 

1908.] MAN. [XoB. 105-106. 

(10) It is forbidden to cover up the face with a blanket or the men will not be 
able to find their way through tall grass or jangle. 

(11) They must not sew with a needle or the men will tread upon tukak 
(sharpened spikes of bilian wood or bamboo placed point upwards in the ground by 
the enemy). 

(12) Flowers must not be worn nor scent used ; otherwise the movements of the 
men will be revealed to the enemy by their smell. 

(13) It is unlucky to break the kain apit (the piece of leather or bark of tree 
with which the women support their backs when weaving). Should^this occur, the 
men will be caught by the chin on some overhanging bough. 

(14) Should a wife prove unfaithful while her husband is away, he will lose his 
life in the enemy's country. 

For the Men, 

(1) They must not cover up the rice when cooking, or their vision will become 
obscured and the way be difficult to see. 

(2) The spoon must not be left standing up in the rice pot ; otherwise the enemy 
will so leave a spear sticking in their bodies. 

(3) During cooking time, should the pots be a distance apart from each other they 
must be connected by sticks ; so will the men have neighbours near should they be 
surprised by the enemy. It is customary, however, to put the pots close together. 

(4) It is mali to pick oat the bits of husk from the rice before eating, otherwise 
the enemy will in like manner pick out that man from a group. 

(5) As the rice is taken from the pot the cavity thus left in the food must 
immediately be smoothed over ; otherwise wounds will not heal quickly. 

(6) It is unlucky to sleep with legs crossed or touching those of a neighbour 
lest the spears of the enemy smite the unfortunate offender of this taboo. 

It is perhaps somewhat doubtful whether the men as a whole obey these rules, 
but certain it is that the women of Banting followed the restrictions herein imposed ; 
and, moreover, at other villages which I had the pleasure of visiting we found exactly 
the same state of affairs. FLORENCE E. HEWITT. 

India: Assam. . Hodson. 

The Meithcis. By T. C. Ilodson. London : Nutt, 1908. Pp. xvii + 227. fflfi 
22 X 14 cm. Price 7*. Sd. lUO 

The volume, which is the subject of this notice, is one of a series which is being 
produced under the orders of the Government of India, and which, it is hoped, will in 
time include all the races and tribes within that extensive empire. Sir Bampfylde 
Fuller, who at the time that the orders for the preparation of the series were issued 
held the post of Chief Commissioner of Assam, drew up a memorandum giving the 
arrangement to be followed, and invited those who had special qualifications for the 
task to write the monographs on the tribes of which they had special knowledge, and 
the volumes which have appeared have done credit to the choice of authors and to 
the arrangement selected. 

The Mcitheis is, in some respect, the most interesting and important of the series, 
and it is extremely lucky that its preparation has fallen to an author with local 
experience, and in other respects also, so thoroughly competent to do justice to the 

The importance of this particular monograph lies chiefly in the fact that the 
people described are very closely allied to the Nagas and Kukis, some of whom are still 
in a state of utter savagery, wearing little in the way of clothing, owning nothing but 

[ 187 ] 

No. 106.] MAN. [1908. 

a few baskets and the simplest of agricultural implements and weapons, living in 
constant dread of their neighbours, and shifting their miserable hovels every year or 
two as they exhaust the cultivatable land in their vicinity. The Meitheis, as we see 
them in Mr. Hodson's graphic pages, are very far removed from such a clan, and yet 
the various stages in the march of progress are clearly traceable, and, though foreign 
influences have assisted, the Manipuris have invariably placed their own mark on every 
custom they have adopted. Another reason for assigning an unusual degree of import- 
ance to this monograph is, that in the Meitheis we have a clan which has only been 
under Hindu ii^uence for about 170 years, and in the " Chronicles " we are able to 
trace the spread of the now religion from the arrival of the first Brahmin down to the 
present day. Here we can study the process of converting the beef-eating, " zu "- 
swilling savage into an orthodox Hindu. As will be seen from Mr. Hodson's chapter 
on religion, the process is by no means complete, and the people are, in fact, in a state 
of transformation, though, judging from the following extract, none have progressed 
very far : — 

" In Manipur, where Hinduism is a mark of respectability, it is never safe to rely 
on what men tell you of their religion ; the only test is to ascertain what they do, and 
by this test wo are justified in holding them animists/' 

The fact is that the Manipuri is a very conceited person, and where he condescends 
to adopt any foreign custom he does so with such alterations and additions as give the 
custom the appearance of being indigenous. Thus, while he professes to be a rigid 
Hindu and will tear down his house should a European or Mahomedan place a foot on 
the threshold, he at the same time allows Brahmins to minister to certain of the gods 
of his animistic forefathers and assiduously propitiates the spirits of the hills and 
dales, as do his near relatives, the surrounding Naga and Kuki clans, v To quote 
Mr. Hod.son once more : — 

" The old order of things has not passed away by any means, and the Maiba, 
the doctor, and priest of the animistic system still find a livelihood, in spite of the 
competition on the one hand of the Brahmin, and of the hospital assistant on the other. 

" It is possible to discover at least four definite orders of spiritual beings who have 
crystallised out of the amorphous mass of animistic deities. There are the Lam Lai, 
gods of the country side, who shade of!' into nature gods controlling the rain, the 
primal necessity of an agricultural community ; Umang Lai, or deities of the forest 
jungle ; the Imuiig Lai, lords of the lives, the births, and the deaths of individuals : 
there are the tribal ancestors, the ritiuil of whose cult is a strange compound of 
magic and nature worship. Beyond these divine beings, who possess in some sort a 
majesty of decent behaviour, there are spirits of the mountain passes, spirits of the 
lakes and rivers, vampires and all the horrid legion of witchcraft. Quol homines^ tot 
d<emones^ with a surplusage of familiars who serve those fortunate few who are 
recognised as initiate iuto the mysteries." 

In fact, the Meitheis are now in a stage, through which many now most orthodox 
Hindu clans must have passed. • What will be the end of the struggle between the new 
ami the old religion time only can show, but it may safely be prophesied, that the 
resultant faith will bear clear marks of the Meitheis' ancient animism. The chapter on 
Religion is the best in the book, all of which is good. 

It is to be regretted that Mr. Hodson never witnessed a Lai-haraoba. The pleasing 
of the gods for the ceremony deserves a more detailed description than that which he 
(juotos from Colonel McCulloch. There are several ])oints connected with it which are 
of great interest ; <'.</., the j)rocess by which the Lai is induced to quit his habitation, be 
it a stream bed, a satTccl stone, or a tree, and enter the '* host " provided for him, which 
ia done by the Maibi or priestess working herself up into a state of incoherent frenzy. 
The '* host " nniy be stones or fruit or flow(»rs, whi<?h are then borne with every show of 

[ 188 ] 

1908.] MAN. [No. 106. 

reverence by two old men in spotless raiment, over whose beads white ceremonial 
umbrellas are carried, and who are preceded by virgins and followed by married women. 
It would be interesting to know by what process the Lai is induced to return to his 
proper place and what becomes of the " host." Again, the extraordinary scene with 
which the ceremony terminates is worthy of notice. The Maibis, some of whom are 
men in women's clothes, exchange the most vile abuse with a body of clowns, until some 
of their number work themselves up into a frenzy and declaim incoherently in an 
unknown tongue, what are said to be, prophecies regarding the reigning house. 

The wonderfully elaborate system of officials, the Lallup or corvee system, and 
the various sumptuary laws, all very interesting, especially if it is kept in mind how little 
removed, in some respects, the Mcitheis are from the loosely-organised Naga and Kuki 
clans around them, are dealt with in a most comprehensive manner. This is fortunate, 
as the administration of the country for sixteen years by the political agent has brought 
about many changes, and many of the institutions here described have passed away for 
good. How complex the old system was may be inferred from the fact that, though 
Mr. Hodson's description is of the briefest, six pages are necessary to describe the duties 
of the officials connected with the administration of the country and the Kajah's 
household. It appears that every action of a Manipuri brought him in contact with at 
least one department, fully equipped with a staff of officials, whose high-sounding titles 
carried no pay, and dealings with whom, therefore, were very expensive. 

The following short extract describes some of the departments : — '* Urungba 
" Loisaug is charged with the duty of providing wood, bamboos, creeper, &c. The 
" Yumjilloi have to keep the State buildings in repair. The duties of the Maifenga 
" class are probably of the same nature as those of the two preceding classes.. The 
" Usaba department is in charge of heavy carpentry work. The Hijaba bangmai 
" provide cut bamboos of all sizes. The Paija suba fasten up the creepers which 
" are used in domestic architecture. The Humai-roi has to do with the Lois who 
" make the hand fans (humai-fan)," and so on for every petty work a special department 
superintended by a bevy of officials. 

Mr. Hodson makes many references to the " Chronicles," and there are many pages 
of history scattered through his book, but matters would have been made easier for 
those who have no previous knowledge of the subject if a special paragraph had 
been devoted to history. It would also have been interesting to know what value 
Mr. Hodson attaches to the " Chronicles," for as these profess to give a full account 
of events from the eighth century a.d., the question of their historical value is of 
importance. The only reference to the ancient Manipuri written character is in the 
concluding lines of the book, in which it is said, on the authority of the Linguistic 
Survey of India, "to date to the rise of the Bengali influence in 1700 a.d., but local 
" tradition declares that the Chinese immigrants in the reign of Khagenba first taught 
" the art of writing." It is a pity that this subject was not more fully treated. 
Some of the letters of the ancient script, which is still to a certain extent in use, do 
certainly resemble Bengali characters, but others do not. If the written character only 
appeared in the eighteenth century, on what authority do the " Chronicles " rest ? 

Among the surrounding cognate clans there are no signs of totemism, but there 
are some reasons for thinking the Manipuri " yek " is a totemistic division. It is 
exogamous, and is sometimes named after animals. Mr. Hodson, when dealing with 
tabu, says, " Each clan in Manipur regards some object as ' namungba ' to it, and 
" believes that, if through inadvertence some member of the clan touches one of these 
" objects, he will die a mysterious death or suffer from some incurable, incomprehensible 
" disease, pine away and die." As examples of the articles, a reed, a buffalo, and 
a fish are given. Mr. Hodson makes no reference to totemism, and it would have been 
interesting to have heard his reasons for omitting to do so. 

[ 189 ] 

Hot. 106-107.] MAN. [1908. 

The \fOok 'n well got up, and the iiiii!<cratioiis, espeeiall? tho^e hj a native artL«t, 
are extremelj interesting. 

Mr. Hodson is to tie oongratolated on hi^ monograph, which isf a mo!>t valuable 
addition to our knowledge of the clan?* on the north-eafttem frontier of India. 


Ethnology. Keane. 

The World: M Peoples. Bv A. H. Keane, LL.D., F.R.A.I. London : f ||^ 
Hutchin:$on k Co., 1908. Pp. xii + 434. 20 x 14 cm. Price 6«. IVf 

This work contains 270 illu!»tration:f, mor^t of them copies of direct photographs 
of representatives of the manv different races scattered over the world's surface. As a 
mere collection of pictures the book must l>e valuable to the student of ethnology, and, 
without fear of contradiction, it mav be as.serted that nowhere else can such a large and 
varied series of ethnolo^ncal portraits be found in so small and handj a compttss. 

These illustrations Dr. Keane has called to his aid in an endeavour, out of his 
wide and profound knowledge, to popularise ethnology. The work appeals, as he says 
himself in the preface, especially to the general reader. It may well be hoped that the 
publication of such a book as this indicates an awakening of real interest in anthropology 
and of a consciousness of its importance to the people on whom rests the responsibility 
of governing the many diiTerent races within the Empire. 

The work is, in the main, planned on the same lines as the author's well-known 
ytan Past and Present. The peoples of the world are arranged in four groups : Negro 
and Negrito, Mongol, Amerind, and Caucasian. The work, in fact, may be said to 
consist of four interesting essajs, one on each of these groups. The first and last 
ref;eive considerably more attention than the other two, though that on America is 
perhaps the most interesting and most informing. 

Whilst avoidin<r the more disputable a<»pects of the subject, much attention is given 
to the religions and superstitions of the different peoples. The general reader is, liow- 
ever, wisely spare<l ever-to-l>e-disputed subjects, such, for example, as the origin of 
exogamy and the marriage intricacies of the native Australians. 

In the popularisation of any science the pitfall into which the exponent is most 
liable to fall is too great a desire to l>e definite and certain, not to say dogmatic. The 
general reader turns away in weariness from the contemplrition of the interminable pros 
and cons which so many scientific problems necessitate, and in which the specialist too 
often revels. A short way out of this is to adopt one line and to stick to it, ignoring 
all others. Hence the charge often made against such popularisation that it is 
unscientific*. The l)etter way ont of the difficulty is, we venture to think, to omit such 
uncertainties altogether from a popular treatise. The art of the populariser consists in 
his ability to play the part of a sieve, allowing the certain to pass and keeping back the 
uncertain, doubtful, and speculative. 

Dr. Keane has evidently realised this, for in his preface he says the book deals 
not with faint probabilities, but with establislieil facts. Throughout the body of the 
work he Im?* lK>riie this successfully in mind. We are not so sure, however, that he 
has acted up to hi-* canon in the important intro<luctory chapter in which he treats of 
the •• Human Family," its origin and <lis[)ersal. Merely on the strength of Dubois' 
discovery of the top of a skull, a thigh lx)ne, and two teeth, not found together, 
to lfH!ate the origin of mankind in the island of Java, and his necessary dispersal 
therefrom, }*eems hardly dealing with established facts : and to go further and give 
up a whole page to a diagram representing man's descent from the problematical 
Pithecanthropu* erect tig^ and giving him, even without a query, a cranial capacity of 
1,000 cc. I the established fact recedes still further into the ''infinite azure of the 
past." Then, in further development of the con.^equences of this origin, we have 

[ 190 ] 

1908.] MAN. [N08. 107-109. 

**• the now submerged I ndo- African eontinentV spoken of as if it were an established 
fact. Surely if there is a subject within the domain of speculation it is the former 
<3xistence of this continent. These, we venture to think, are among the very nn- 
certainties of ethnology and geography, which should be avoided rather than introduced 
in a popular exposition of the subject. They are examples of what the sieve of 
the scieniRc populariser would keep back. 

In this same introductory chapter Dr. Keane refers briefly to the Stone Age. 
He would have added much to the value and interest of the work to the general 
reader if he had given more space to this and the Prehistoric period generally. If 
this subject was to be dealt with at all, we believe, from a popular point of view, 
a more extended exposition of it would have been advantageous to the general 
reader as an introduction to the ethnology which follows. 

Having said so much in criticism it only remains to add that Dn Keane has by 
this work only added another to the many obligations which anthropology already owes 
him, and it is to be hoped it will not be the last occasion on which he will apply his 
unrivalled knowledge to the popularisation of a science of such great practical import 
to our world-wide Empire. E. A. PARKYN. 

Africa : SwahlU. Velten. 

Prosa und Poesie der Suaheli, Yow Professor Dr. G. Velten, Professor fiir 4 AA 
Suaheli am Seminar fiir orientalische Sprachen der Friedrich Wilhelms-Univer- lUII 
«itiit, Berlin. Published by the Author, Berlin, Dorotheenstrasse, 6. 

The number of Swahili students in this country is few, but that of serviceable 
reading books published here is smaller. We have almost nothing with the exception 
of Steere's Swahili Tales^ and some other publications of the Universities Mission. 
Kibarak^ by-the-bye, was published at Zanzibar, and is not very easily obtainable in 
England. The amount of native literature which has made its appearance in Germany 
is really very creditable, though no doubt this partly arises from the fact that this 
))ranch of research is subsidised by Government. Buttner's admirable Anthology of 
Prose and Verse (1894) has never been superseded, though it may usefully be supple- 
mented by Dr. Velten's publications, some of which have already been noticed in these 
pages. The latest addition to their number is of especial value to the learner on 
account of the many excellent dialogues embodying useful words and idioms, which can 
l>e depended on as genuine, being all written or dictated by natives. 

From an ethnographical point of view the tales, proverbs, riddles, and songs are 
of imusual interest. Some of the former are independent versions of those made 
familiar by Steere, e.g.^ " Hadisi ya nimda " (p. 107), which corresponds to part of 
*' Sultan Majnun.'^ Some of them we do not remember to have met with before. We 
have also various habari za zamani ( ^^ accounts of long ago ^^), i.e., historical accounts 
of Kilwa, Lindi and other towns on the coast, and a description of a journey into 
Uzaramo. Of the poetry, the little traditional folk-songs are most interesting, though 
the longer poems on the German Emperor, the late Major von Wissniann, and other 
public characters, deserve attention as curiosities. As this is scarcely a l)ook to come 
under the notice of the general reader or to be translated as light literature, a warning 
that some of the stories (apparently derived from Arabic sources) are more curious 
than edifying may seem superfluous. A. W. 

Britain. Holmes. 

Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius Casar, By T. Rice-Holmes, f AQ 

Litt.D. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907. Pp. xvi-f 764. 23xUcm. Price 21 *. lOu 

This is a remarkable book, both in aim and achievement. Its author has sought 

to collect all available evidence concerning the life of prehistoric Man in Britain. 

He has therefore been under the necessity of consulting an extensive and scattered 

[ 191 ] 

Nob. 10»-m.] MAN. [1908. 

literature, of becoming familiar with all recent work in archaeology, antliropologj, and 
philology. The voluminous bibliography supplied in footnotes to the text fully testifies 
to the completeness with which he has complied to the requirements of his task. 

Although the book is in essential a summary of the work and opinions of others, 
some original information is here and there contributed, especially in the section dealings 
with the invasions of Caesar. Moreover, the summary is far from being slavish or 
uncritical ; its tone is controversial rather than otherwise. He has a wholesome disregard 
for mere traditional authority, a disregard which, however, consorts ill with the pontifical 
manner in which he expresses himself upon questions which will perhaps always retain 
a not inconsiderable clement of doubt. 

The anthropological section of the book is that which most fittingly finds mention 
in the pages of Max. In it are discussed the origin of the Neolithic population and 
the appearance of the " Round Heads." The first subject presents little difficulty, for^ 
with most recent writers, Mr. Rice-Holmes accepts the continuity of Man^s occupation 
of Europe from Palaeolithic time onwards. 

He regards the " Round Heads *' as ethnically distinct from the Long Heads. He 
declares that they certainly came from Eastern Europe and possibly from Asia. The 
centre of their dispersion was the Alpine region. He does not explain why, if there is 
this distinction, the long- and round-heads should almost universally be found together, 
with heads of all varieties of intermediate shape, in the prehistoric graves of Europe. 
Why again, if their original home was certainly Eastern Europe, should they only be 
found unassociated with long-heads in the cist burials of Aberdeenshire ? Further, if 
the Alpine districts were the centre of dispersion, how is it that the remains of round- 
heads are found in graves of an earlier date in Western Europe than in Central Europe ? 

How, too, on his assumption are we to explain the presence of a sub-brachy- 
• cephalic population in North Wales in Mesolithic time ? This population was almost 
certainly earlier than that whose dead are found in the long barrows of Wiltshire, 
and yet it was well on its way to a state of full brachycephaly. 

Although, however, the treatment of this and other vexed questions betrays a 
somewhat superficial knowledge of the facts of the case, it should be remembered that 
the subjects with which the author deals are numerous, vast, and complicated. He never 
fails to be interesting and suggestive. He has laid students of the early history of 
our country under a debt of gratitude which will long be recognised and which it is a 
pleasure to acknowledge. W. W» 

Royal Anthropological Institute. Huxley Lecture. 

The Annual Huxley Memorial Lecture was held on Friday, November 13th, 44 A 
in the Theatre of the Civil Service Commission (by permission 'of the First Com- 1111 
niissioner of Works), when Dr. William Z. Ripley, Professor of Economics in Harvard 
University, delivered an address on the *' European Population of tlie United States.'* 
At the conclusion of the lecture the Huxley Memorial Medal was presented to Dr. Ripley 
by the President. 


The death is announced of Mr. Otis Tufton Mason, of the Smithsoniau In- 444 
stitution. Mr. Mason was one of the leading American anthropologists, and III 
had been an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute since 1886. 

Mu. D. G. HociARTH has been nominated to succeed Dr. Arthur Evans as Keeper nj^ 
of the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. 
Printetl by Eybe and Spottiswoodb, Ltd., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C.